Malwina Talik for Ukraine Crisis Media Center on Poland’s newly elected president

Poland elected a new president, Karol Nawrocki, a Polish historian supported by the Law and Justice party. During the campaign, he advocated a tougher stance on Ukraine, particularly regarding Euro-Atlantic integration and national memory politics. In an interview for Ukraine Crisis Media Center, our colleague Malwina Talik commented on what his election means for bilateral relations, how Ukraine should shape its relationship with the future president, and what the electoral campaign reveals about sentiments within the Polish society.

Watch the whole interview here.

Malwina Talik for EastBlog in Der Standard about presidential elections in Poland

Our colleague Malwina Talik explains in her article entitled “Polens Richtungswahl: Warum die Präsidentenstichwahl so entscheidend ist” for EastBlog in Der Standard why Poland’s upcoming presidential runoff on 1 June is crucial for the country’s democratic future. The result will determine whether Prime Minister Tusk’s reforms can proceed or remain blocked by a president aligned with the former PiS-led government.

Read the article here.

“A Digital Battlefield”: Sebastian Schäffer and Malwina Talik about Russian disinformation

 “A Digital Battlefield: How Russian Disinformation Influences Voter Behaviour in Central and Eastern Europe”, an article by Sebastian Schäffer and Malwina Talik, was published in How to Defend Democracy in the Digital Age, a volume produced through the collaboration of TOPAZ, the Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies, and the Campus Tivoli. 

In their analysis, the authors examine Russian disinformation tactics in the electoral context, highlight past instances of confirmed interference, and focus on the cases of Romania, Moldova, and Poland.
 

The publication is available in both English and Czech. Find out more here. 

Malwina Talik for Nikkei about Poland and 3SI

In connection with the 10th Three Seas Initiative (3SI) Summit held in Warsaw this April, our colleague Malwina Talik was interviewed by Natsuki Kaneko of The Nikkei, a Japanese daily and one of the world’s largest financial newspapers. She discussed the significance of the 3SI format for Poland and the broader region, particularly in light of evolving geopolitical dynamics. Japan, notably, is one of the initiative’s strategic partner countries. Her insights were featured in the article titled “Eastern Europe seeks to expand energy cooperation with the U.S., aiming to maintain U.S. military presence.”

Read the article (in Japanese) here.

 

Malwina Talik about Polish presidency for Polskie Radio

Poland took over the EU Council Presidency on January 1, 2025, with key priorities including comprehensive security and support for Ukraine in its defence war against Russia. The government in Warsaw is also pushing for EU enlargement, particularly in relation to the Western Balkans and Eastern Partnership countries. In an interview for Polskie Radio, Jakub Kukla spoke with our colleague Malwina Talik on the progress of the presidency.

Listen to the full interview here.

IDM’s event featured in the evening news of TVP Polonia

The discussion “European Security in the New Geopolitical Reality” with Prof. Paweł Kowal and Dr. Ursula Plassnik, moderated by Sebastian Schäffer, was featured in the evening news of TVP Polonia, a Polish public television channel aimed at the Polish community abroad. The event was organised in cooperation with the Embassy of the Republic of Poland and took place at IDM’s premises on 26 March 2025. 

The broadcaster highlighted that the international order and the European security architecture have been disrupted in a short time, and ways to address this challenge was the focus of the discussion at the IDM. 

Our colleague Malwina Talik was invited to comment on Poland’s current position in Europe. 

You can watch it (in Polish) here.
The full video of the discussion is available on the IDM YouTube channel

IDM Short Insight 44: The Weimar Triangle – A Key Format for Europe?

Here is everything you need to know about the Weimar Triangle!

Sebastian Schäffer, Malwina Talik and Romain LeQuiniou were at Café Kyiv 2025, and are diving into the rebirth of the Weimar Triangle—a crucial alliance between Germany, France, and Poland. Originally formed in 1991 to support Poland’s Euro-Atlantic integration, this minilateral format is now gaining new relevance, fueled by Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

Why is the Weimar Triangle back on the agenda? How will Germany’s new government shape its role? What does this mean for Poland’s influence in Europe? Can this alliance evolve into a security pillar for Europe, even without the U.S.?

While some argue the revival is more talk than action, others see soft power diplomacy as a tool to counter today’s biggest challenges. Could a “Weimar Plus” format—including the UK—be the key to Europe’s future security?

Transcript:

So, us three, we are here at Cafe Kyiv 2025 talking about the Weimar Triangle. The Weimar Triangle was founded in 1991. One of its goals was to facilitate the euroatlantic integration of Poland. Since 2022 there is a rebirth of the Weimar Triangle, mainly explained by the full-scale invasion of Russia in Ukraine. And I think that the idea is also to reengage Poland and to have better relations between the three countries. 

I think the German position will have to be defined when the actual new government is there. But I see lot of potential to repair some of the damage that was done through the last administration in working together with France and Poland as the new government might align much more with what the other two countries are standing for in the Weimar Triangle. 

For Poland, the Weimar Triangle is a very prestigious, minilateral format, which allows Poland to have more impact on European politics, but also to amplify the voice of countries coming from Central and Eastern Europe, to make sure that some warnings are being heard and not fall on deaf ears. 

For France, the objective is dual. On one side, it is about reengaging with Germany without having a relationship that is only with Berlin but also in a trilateral meeting. And this is also about having the possibility to reengage with Poland and mostly with Central Eastern Europe. 

There is today a rebirth of the Weimar Triangle and this is great for Europe and for the three countries, but we cannot hide the fact that for the moment there is declaration, but there are no actions. I see it a little bit different. I believe that in the current form the Weimar Triangle has a strong diplomatic power, soft power that even in times when hard measures seem to matter more, still may have an impact. Maybe there is even a chance to utilise this minilateral format to actually counter the prime challenge of nowadays. Namely to, within a Weimar Plus format, also engage the United Kingdom, provide the necessary structures to find defence and to coordinate defence in Europe that is in the foreseeable future at least no longer organised with the United States as it seems.

Malwina Talik on Austria for “Brzmienie świata”

Our colleague Malwina Talik discussed Austrian politics, society, and existing stereotypes on the Polish podcast “Brzmienie świata z lotu Drozda”. The series is produced by Polish journalist Paweł Drozd and covers international topics.

The full episode (in Polish) is available here:

Malwina Talik für Ö1 Mittagsjournal

Im Ö1 Mittagsjournal am 14. September wurde unsere Kollegin Malwina Talik unter der Expert*innen, die beim Thema “Wirtschaftswunder Polen” interviewed wurden.
Weitere Informationen:

Energizing Cross-Border Cooperation in Central Europe

How can Central Europe cooperate most effectively on the energy transition? Michael Stellwag and Rebecca Thorne put the spotlight on CES7 (Austria, Croatia, Czechia, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia). 

In the lead up to the European elections, the continent witnessed a backlash against green policies. The European Green Deal, which was introduced four years ago and outlines the continent’s path to climate neutrality by 2050, came under particular scrutiny. Integral to the Green Deal is the energy transition, including issues such as where the energy resources come from, how power is generated and who can access the final products. 

While the Greens did indeed lose influence in Germany, France and Belgium, they retained their seats in Austria and even gained their first seats in Croatia and Slovenia. Indeed, the seven Central European states of the EU – Austria, Croatia, Czechia, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia (CES7) – are faced with the tangible effects of climate change, geopolitical instability and economic challenges, which necessarily provokes discussion about the decarbonisation of the energy sectors in the region along with questions of security and affordability. Effective cross-border cooperation is key to solving this conundrum. 

In the aftermath of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and the knock-on effects on the prices and supply of energy across Europe, it may appear worthwhile pursuing the goal of self-sufficiency at national level to reduce dependency and the corresponding risk of vulnerability. However, not every country has the capacity to meet all their energy needs through domestic power generation. While some countries possess an abundance of natural energy resources such as wind, water and sun, others run the risk of continuing the detrimental resource exploitation of coal mining. Power generation from coal still dominates the energy landscape of countries with a history of mining, accounting for 44% of the total electricity generation in Czechia and 70% in Poland. Instead of maintaining or even exacerbating this trend, regional cooperation provides alternatives, some of which remain controversial, while others offer clear benefits. 

Diversification and bridge technologies: different approaches 

First of all, cooperation should not come at the cost of security. The region’s historical energy partnership with Russia has highlighted its vulnerability: reducing this dependence is crucial. The EU attempted to enforce immediate diversification by introducing an oil embargo against Russia in 2022. However, the Central European states without a sea border – Austria, Czechia, Hungary and Slovakia pushed for an exemption, resulting in the continuation of imports of Russian oil via the Druzhba pipeline that runs through Ukraine 

Regarding the gas supply, even though the proportion of Russian pipeline gas in EU imports has fallen from over 40% in 2021 to currently 8% in the EU as a whole, the share in parts of Central Europe remains higher. Austria and Hungary are currently the most dependent on gas from Russia and have fought most intensively against possible EU sanctions. In Austria, the share of Russian gas in the total supply has not fallen significantly since the attack on Ukraine due to a non-transparent long-term supply contract that was extended in 2018 and to which, until recently, not even members of the government had access.  

The response of these states to the energy supply crisis has been different. The four Visegrad states are primarily focusing on diversifying both their oil and gas suppliers in order to reduce their dependence on Russia without significantly reducing their consumption. Poland is using the Baltic Pipe as well as importing more from the USA, while increasing the capacity of its liquefied natural gas (LNG) terminals and pipeline infrastructure. Slovakia and Hungary are increasingly sourcing oil from Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, with security of supply being a priority – yet it is important to note that a certain amount of imports from these countries comes from Russia anyway. Czechia is also making efforts to diversify as well as focusing on energy efficiency measures. 

In an example of minilateral cooperation, Austria has been investing in the LNG terminal on the Croatian island of Krk. This terminal has already existed for some time but is now being expanded far beyond the national requirements of Croatia in order serve as a regional hub. Poland has also been enlarging its LNG capabilities from 5 billion m³ a year via its Świnoujście terminal, aiming to double its capacity with the expansion and planned new construction in Gdańsk. The trend is clear: no reduction in gas, but the reduction of dependence on one single country. Yet a decrease in both would be possible with more intensive coordination and more coherent planning within the group – especially as investing in gas projects poses the danger of Central Europe tying itself further into a dependence on a resource that is ultimately a fossil fuel. 

Nuclear power remains a contentious issue, with many convinced it is the way forward to reducing dependency on fossil fuels. In a further example of cross-border cooperation, Slovenia shares its nuclear power station with Croatia, which is in an earthquake zone and cannot build its own without compromising safety. Slovakia, Hungary and Czechia have also opted to invest in nuclear technologies: 59.7%, 44% and 36.6% of their respective electricity generation comes from nuclear. Hungary furthermore intends to increase this percentage with a new power plant that is to be built using Russian state funding. Poland currently has no domestic nuclear energy production but is developing plans to build its first nuclear power station. 

However, others remain wary of a technology that has the potential to cause widespread harm. Austria is one of few outspoken opponents in Central Europe following the referendum of 1978 and subsequent law against generating nuclear power. Having set a goal to source 100% of its electricity from renewables by 2030, Austria moreover intends to show that the green transition is possible without nuclear energy. 

Fast-growing markets 

The renewable energy markets have been rapidly growing, especially the solar industry, with the demand for photovoltaic energy busting market expectations across Europe. There is also significant potential for energy generation from other renewable sources in Central Europe. Poland has begun to make use of the wind on its northern coast with its first offshore farm currently under construction, which is anticipated to generate 1.1GW. Nonetheless, there is still a lot of room for growth, with estimated potential for up to 33GW. Likewise, the Adriatic Sea offers considerable offshore wind power that is not being utilised. While it has been agreed that no wind farms will be built on Croatia’s islands, there is still an area of 29,000 km² that could be developed without encroaching on high-impact zones 

Furthermore, there are natural geothermal heat reservoirs across the region. Indeed, following the European Parliament’s recent call for an EU geothermal energy strategy, the European Committee of the Regions released an Opinion on the “great potential” of geothermal for both cities and regions. To give three examples from the region: in Poland, geothermal reservoirs have been found in around 50% of the country’s area, particularly in central and northwestern Poland. Hungary has already quadrupled its use of geothermal energy since 2010 and is now planning to double its use again by 2030, while Slovenia has been developing a pilot geothermal project that only requires one dry well for operation. 

Prioritise the grid 

With such promising potential of renewables, both large- and small-scale, what is preventing an exponential growth of the clean energy sector? The supply chain is currently not the limiting factor in terms of what is possible. While the manufacturing of solar panels is at present dominated by China, the EU has established initiatives such as the Net Zero Industry Act and the European Solar Charter, which aim to support solar manufacturing in Europe.  

Instead, with a rapid expansion of the renewable energy sector, the grid is the main bottleneck. Energy systems are largely centralised through national grids, which currently do not have the capacity to integrate the rapidly expanding renewable sector. Sectors that were predominantly running on fossil fuels are now being converted to electricity. To further complicate the problem, the grid in Poland, for example, is concentrated on regions in the south of the country that produced energy from coal, whereas the up-and-coming renewable sector is focused on the north. Moreover, the grid does not offer sufficient capacity for large projects at sea. 

Cooperation among the countries of Central Europe would allow a pooling of renewable resources, which is indispensable given the fluctuating nature of supply and demand inherent to renewable energy. Within this partnership, a priority must be the full synchronisation of the grid across the region as well as the expansion of cross-border grid interconnectors. In particular, the triangle between Austria, Hungary and Slovenia has been identified as critical 

Huge potential 

The European Green Deal promises long-term potential for growth, but currently the transition requires significant financial investment, challenges the economies and could threaten established industries in this underperforming region. Among some governments and sections of the population in the Central European countries there are narratives that they are second-class countries within the EU. Many regulations are seen as originating from Western European countries and Brussels, which member states then have to implement regardless of economic feasibility, resulting in a sluggish implementation of individual EGD regulations. Nonetheless, renewable energy sources, even in the year of installation, are cheaper than fossil fuels. In 2022, the global average cost of solar energy was 29% lower than the cheapest fossil fuel option, while the cost of onshore wind energy was 50% lower. An integrated grid would also boost price competitiveness as cheaper, cleaner electricity from neighbouring countries in the region becomes available to consumers. 

Central Europe has significant potential for a green energy transition, as well as for a more dynamic economy and policymaking than is often assumed. Cooperation is essential to accelerate progress – whether a pooling of financial, knowledge or human resources. With the rapid growth of renewables and increasing electrification of the energy sectors, the expansion and improved international interconnectivity of the grid must be a priority not only for the EU, but also on regional level. 

Rebecca Thorne is a research associate at the Institute for the Danube Region and Central Europe (IDM) in Vienna. Her research focus is climate, energy and the environment in Central Europe and the EU candidate countries. 

Michael Stellwag is a research associate at the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Vienna. Having studied political science in Vienna and Tallinn, he now specialises in politics in Central and Eastern Europe and in EU foreign, security and defence policy. Professional projects have taken him to numerous countries in the region. 

 

Both authors attended the expert workshopCentral Europe Plus – Bridge technologies with regard to a sustainable energy supply organized by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Zagreb. The workshop series has existed since 2021 and focuses on the role of Central European States for the future of the EU. It aims to bring together decision-makers and researchers from the countries concerned and to present positions and demands from these countries in Brussels. In 2024, the project has been developed further to include other regions as well, hence the workshop title Central Europe Plus.