“Let´s talk about… (il)liberal democracy”: Workshop in Bratislava with Malwina Talik and Péter Techet

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The Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Vienna, together with youth organisations from EPP member parties in Austria, the Czech Republic, Germany, and Slovakia, organised a two-day workshop in Bratislava on “European Sovereignty in a Multipolar World”.

On 31 January 2026, Malwina Talik and Péter Techet led an interactive session on the consequences of illiberalism, both in theory and in practice. They also presented their study—funded by the Felczak Institute—on democratic backsliding and the possibilities of undoing illiberal damage in Poland, Slovakia, and Hungary. (You can read the study here.)

The primary focus of the session, however, was on fostering an interactive discussion of possible forms and practices of illiberal politics. Talik and Techet presented various scenarios for liberal and illiberal democracies, which participants then analysed and discussed in smaller groups. The aim was to help attendees recognise illiberal threats even within liberal politics, as well as the key characteristics of a potential illiberal shift.

Péter Techet in Austrian daily Kurier on the expropriations based on the Beneš Decrees in Slovakia

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The Austrian daily newspaper Kurier published an in-depth analysis of the ongoing expropriations of Hungarian property owners in Slovakia, in which Péter Techet was also interviewed.

Techet stated that the current situation in Slovakia— the application of the Beneš Decrees and the ban on any criticism of them—violates the prohibition of discrimination as well as freedom of expression and academic freedom, and may therefore lead to legal responses at the European level.

The article can be read here.

Péter Techet for the Neue Zürcher Zeitung on the Beneš Decrees in Slovak politics and in the Hungarian election campaign

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Péter Techet wrote an op-ed for the Neue Zürcher Zeitung about the continued use of the Beneš Decrees, the criminalisation of criticism of those decrees in Slovakia, and the striking fact that Viktor Orbán hardly criticises his ally Robert Fico at all. This stands in clear contrast to Orbán’s challenger, Péter Magyar, who has used the opportunity to point out the contradictions in Orbán’s version of “sovereigntism”.

For Orbán, this is not really about the interests of the Hungarian minorities. At most, they matter to him as a potential pool of voters (although most Hungarians in Slovakia do not even have the right to vote in Hungary). What matters to him instead is the idea of a fragmented Europe made up of ethnically homogeneous nation-states. The Beneš Decrees, which were designed to achieve ethnic homogenisation, fit well into this worldview. This also explains why Orbán supported the Romanian nationalist George Simion in last year’s presidential election — and why he has been so reluctant to criticise Fico.

The article can be read here.

Peter Techet for Evangelische Zeitung on the debates over the Beneš Decrees

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For the German Evangelische Zeitung, Péter Techet spoke about the historical context and the present-day application of the so-called Beneš Decrees, which in Slovakia are still used as a basis for the expropriation of property belonging to owners of Hungarian descent.

The article can be read here.

Undoing the Illiberal Damage: Understanding Democratic Backsliding in Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia. Searching for Strategies of Reversal

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Why Slovak PM Fico’s Critique of the EU Says More About Bratislava Than Brussels

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Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico’s recent criticism of the European Union should be read primarily as domestic political messaging rather than a substantive strategic assessment of the EU’s future. This is one of the key conclusions highlighted in a recent analysis published by Azernews, which references comments by Sebastian Schäffer, Director of the Institute for the Danube Region and Central Europe (IDM). 

According to Schäffer, Fico’s warnings about an alleged “collapse” of the European Union fit into a broader pattern of political rhetoric aimed at consolidating support at home. Emphasising national sovereignty and traditional values has become a familiar strategy among several political actors in Central Europe, particularly when addressing electorates sceptical of Brussels. 

The analysis notes that while the EU is undoubtedly facing structural and political challenges, framing these as existential threats risks obscuring the Union’s continued strategic relevance for its member states. Schäffer underlines that Slovakia’s economic development, security environment, and regional integration remain closely tied to EU membership and cooperation. 

Fico’s interpretation of international developments, including references to shifting transatlantic priorities, is also treated with caution in the analysis. Such arguments, Schäffer suggests, often rely on selective readings of complex geopolitical processes and are primarily designed to reinforce domestic narratives rather than inform policy debate at the European level. 

As debates over the future direction of the European Union intensify, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe, the distinction between internal political signalling and genuine strategic critique remains essential for understanding current dynamics within the EU. 

Read the article here.

New Publication! Undoing the Illiberal Damage: Understanding Democratic Backsliding in Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia. Searching for Strategies of Reversal

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Péter Techet for Die Presse on the Beneš Decrees

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In Slovakia, criticism of the Beneš Decrees has been criminalized. These decrees concern the measures by which members of the German and Hungarian minorities were expropriated after the Second World War. Although they formally remain in force, both Prague and Bratislava have assured that they are no longer applied. Nevertheless, in Slovakia, properties owned by people of Hungarian descent continue to be confiscated on the basis of these decrees. This practice is criticized both by the left-liberal party Progressive Slovakia and by the party representing the Hungarian minority.

In his op-ed for Die Presse, Péter Techet described the current debates surrounding the decrees as well as possible reasons why Viktor Orbán refrains from criticizing the Slovak government.

The article can be read here.

Malwina Talik completed CEU DILA programme 

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Malwina Talik took part in the final intensive residential session of the Democratic Institute Leadership Academy (DILA) at Central European University in Budapest. The programme focused on democratic leadership, strategies for strengthening democratic resilience in Hungary, Slovakia, Czechia, Croatia, and Poland, democratic innovation and participation, and communication-related challenges in the region. 

Workshop about ‘Undoing the Illiberal Damage:  A Democratic Guide to Reversing Democratic Backsliding’ at the IDM with experts from Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, and Austria

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Hungary since 2010, Poland between 2015 and 2023, and Slovakia since 2023 have experienced, or are experiencing, democratic backsliding. A project at the Institute for Danube Region and Central Europe, funded by the Felczak Institute for Polish-Hungarian Studies, examines, through the examples of Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia, what an illiberal system means for the rule of law, the media, culture and academia, and corruption – and how liberal democracy in these areas can be strengthened following a change of government. 

Malwina Talik and Dr Péter Techet authored a policy paper on the central questions of the project and the possible pathways in Poland and Hungary, which provided the foundation for a subsequent workshop on the subject. 

 

Topics and outcomes of the workshop 

As part of this project, an international workshop was held at the IDM on 18–19 November, bringing together experts from Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, and Austria. The workshop comprised four panels, focusing on the rule of law, the media, identity politics, and corruption. The emphasis was not on a purely academic analysis, but on sharing practical experiences and exploring options and strategies to reverse illiberal trends. 

Firstly, experts from each country outlined how illiberal systems were established as well as how illiberal damage – particularly in Poland after 2023 – might be undone. This was followed by discussions on the causes of illiberalism and potential routes back to liberal democracy. Across all panels, a key focus was what Poland has achieved since 2023 in dismantling illiberal structures and policies, and whether these experiences could be applied to Hungary after 2026 or Slovakia after 2027, should there be a change of government. The presentations and discussions revealed how far illiberalism has advanced in each country, depending on whether governments were able to amend the constitution, and on the priorities they pursued.  

A common thread across all three cases is that illiberalism emerges in polarised societies, where populist rhetoric and antagonistic ‘us’ versus ‘them’ narratives weaken social consensus around liberal democracy, turning domestic politics into a struggle between liberal and illiberal visions of democracy, each using constitutional mechanisms to different ends. Another shared feature in all illiberal democracies is the weakening of constitutional oversight, civil society, and pluralism, including attacks on dissenting voices and on both public and private media. In terms of corruption, however, there are notable differences: in Poland, corruption is largely individual; in Slovakia, it is tolerated and facilitated by state actors; and in Hungary, it has evolved into a centralised, state-run ‘mafia’ structure. 

The restoration of liberal democracy in all three countries depends on the ability to reform the constitution and legal framework, which is a particularly difficult task in Hungary, where the illiberal regime has maintained a constitution-amending (two-third) majority almost continuously since 2010. More broadly, a sustainable return to liberal democracy requires social consensus, potentially achieved through compromise between political ‘camps’. 

Building on the workshop’s insights and further research, Malwina Talik and Dr Péter Techet are preparing a report, by the end of the year, on the successes and strategies for undoing illiberal damage. 

(Dr Péter Techet)