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New Bloc at the Center? The Case for a „Schönbrunn Six“

Mag. Sebastian Schäffer, Dr. Péter Techet

“We used to share a country, and Austria is a key economic partner of Hungary. I would like to strengthen the relationship between Hungary and Austria for historical, cultural, and economic reasons.”

Péter Magyar, (Designated) Prime Minister of Hungary, April 2026

Following Péter Magyar’s electoral victory in Hungary and his proposal to revive Central European regional cooperation, this paper assesses the feasibility and potential of a new, structured cooperation format grouping Austria, Hungary, Czechia, Slovakia, Slovenia, and Croatia. These six mid-sized EU member states share economic ties, institutional weight, and a cluster of overlapping policy preferences. Drawing on existing cooperation formats, current EU dynamics, and the strategic context of post-Orbán Hungary, this policy paper argues that a formalised cooperation “Schönbrunn Six” could give these six states a more effective collective voice in Brussels, not as an alternative to the EU, but as a coherent sub-regional bloc within it.“

 

Recommendations

  • Convene a founding summit. Austrian and Hungarian leadership should jointly convene a high-level meeting of the six states‘ governments (for historical reason possibly in Vienna) to formally launch the Schönbrunn Cooperationframework, with a limited, action-oriented agenda rather than an open-ended declaration.
  • Define three priority dossiers. To avoid the diffusion of energy that has weakened other regional formats, the new framework should begin with no more than three specific EU-level dossiers on which coordinated positions are feasible and impactful: the strongest candidates are Western Balkans enlargement, single market deepening, and migration management.
  • Build on the Slavkov institutional infrastructure. Rather than creating parallel bureaucracies, the new format should formally incorporate Croatia, Hungary, and Slovenia into an upgraded Slavkov framework, with rotating presidencies and a small permanent secretariat.
  • Develop a common position on Ukrainian reconstruction. Given the group’s shared interest in Ukraine’s long-term economic integration and reconstruction, the six states should develop a coordinated position on reconstruction frameworks, investment priorities, and the relationship between reconstruction financing and the EU accession process, creating a practical deliverable that also strengthens credibility on Ukraine policy.
  • Manage the energy fault line proactively. The risk of energy policy divergence fracturing the group is real. A dedicated working group on energy transition, focused on areas of genuine overlap (grid interconnection, hydrogen infrastructure, nuclear safety standards), would allow the group to manage differences while building cooperation where it is possible.