Péter Techet for NZZ on Ethnopluralism 

In an essay for the Swiss daily Neue Zürcher Zeitung, Péter Techet explores why right-wing populist parties view a multipolar world of sovereign nation-states as an expression of diversity, yet at the same time reject diversity within the society. Techet traces this perspective back to thinkers such as Carl Schmitt and Alain de Benoist, who advocated for a world of separate, homogeneous nation-states and regarded internal diversity as a threat to domestic politics. 

The article can be read here: https://www.nzz.ch/meinung/andersheit-a-la-carte-fuer-die-rechte-soll-die-welt-aus-klar-getrennten-homogenen-nationalstaaten-bestehen-innerhalb-des-eigenen-staates-aber-sehen-sie-differenzen-als-gefahr-ld.1889321  

Péter Techet for Frankfurter Rundschau on Orbán’s Sovereignty Law

Péter Techet commented in the German daily Frankfurter Rundschau on the (temporarily withdrawn) Sovereignty Law, through which Viktor Orbán seeks to exert greater control over NGOs and independent media. According to Techet, the draft law clearly shows that Orbán is prepared to do whatever it takes to remain in power even after the 2026 parliamentary elections. 

The full article can be read here.

Péter Techet for Die Presse on the significance of the next elections in Hungary

In the Austrian daily newspaper Die Presse, Péter Techet writes an Op-Ed on whether and why the parliamentary elections in Hungary next year will be a turning point: either Orbán continues to expand his power in an authoritarian manner, or his new challenger, Péter Magyar, can stop this course. 

The article can be read here. 

Péter Techet’s op-ed was also picked up by the Hungarian media. The weekly newspaper HVG reported on it on its website and summarized the main arguments of the article; in addition, Klubrádió made an interview with Techet about the theses of his article. 

Péter Techet for Liechtensteiner Vaterland on the Pride Parade in Budapest

In the daily newspaper of Liechtenstein, Vaterland, Péter Techet was asked about the political significance of the Pride Parade in Budapest, where 200,000 people – despite the official ban on the event – marched in protest against the government. 

The article can be read here. 

Péter Techet for Salzburger Nachrichten on the Pride in Budapest

In the Austrian daily newspaper Salzburger Nachrichten, Péter Techet was asked about Viktor Orbán’s announced ban on the Pride parade in Budapest. According to Techet, Orbán is using identity politics to distract from social and economic problems while trying to divide the opposition. However, this strategy failed: this year’s Pride in Budapest turned into a large demonstration against the government. 

The article can be read here. 

Péter Techet for ORF Ö1 about the Pride Ban in Hungary

Péter Techet, research associate at the IDM, spoke on the Austrian public radio station ORF Ö1 about the restriction of fundamental rights in Hungary in connection with a possible ban of the Pride Parade in Budapest, the silence of the churches on the matter, and Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s fear of losing power. 

The programme can be listened to here. 

Péter Techet in the NZZ on Orbán’s Sovereignism

In the Swiss daily Neue Zürcher Zeitung, Péter Techet analyzes why Viktor Orbán supported the ultimately defeated, far-right, and anti-Hungarian candidate George Simion ahead of the second round of the Romanian presidential elections: According to Techet, Orbán’s primary concern is not the protection of the Hungarian minority abroad, but rather the search for allies at the EU level – regardless of how these new partners, such as Robert Fico in Slovakia, view the Hungarian minority. 

Techet argues that this sovereignism is dangerous for minority interests as well. The “Europe of nation-states” that Orbán promotes only recognizes homogeneous, closed spaces – with no room for minorities. 

The full article can be read here. 

Péter Techet for Partizán about Orbán’s Sovereignty Rhetoric

On the independent Hungarian YouTube channel Partizán—which is under threat from a draft law by the Hungarian government, among other independent media—Péter Techet spoke about the possible meanings of “sovereignty” that Viktor Orbán seeks to defend with a new law, and about why Orbán’s concept of sovereignty is legally and politically dangerous and undemocratic. 

The interview can be watched here (starting at 2:05:00).

Péter Techet for ORF Ö1 about Orbán’s “Christian” Nationalism

Viktor Orbán referred to the Romanian (ultimately defeated) presidential candidate, George Simion, as “a good Christian and sovereigntist,” with whom he agrees on many issues — even though Simion holds anti-Hungarian views. Péter Techet analysed for ORF Ö1 how and why Orbán instrumentalizes Christianity for political purposes. 

The program can be listened to here.

 

IDM Short Insights 46: Budapest’s Bridge Occupations. Hungarian demos against anti-LGBT+ laws

In April, demonstrators symbolically occupied Budapest’s famous bridges to protest against a new anti-LGBTQ+ amendment passed by Hungary’s Fidesz-led parliament in March. Their goal? To raise awareness about the restrictions on the right to assembly and the broader erosion of human rights in the country. But how did the government react to the protests? And what’s the real political tactic behind Fidesz’s latest move? Julia Mits (IDM) reporting from Budapest (Hungary).

Transcript

Did you know that in 1997 Hungary was the first post-socialist country to organize the Pride March behind the fallen Iron Curtain? Now, three decades later, Orbán’s Hungary is the first EU country to actually ban the Pride March.

What happened?

In March 2025, the Hungarian Parliament, with a major Fidesz majority, passed a new amendment that bans all Pride marches nationwide. The new law links LGBTQ+ gatherings to violations of the Child Protection Act. The move triggered immediate protests here in the city and also drew international criticism, including statements from nearly 20 embassies based here in Budapest.

First possible explanation

While Fidesz claims to protect children, its credibility was damaged in 2024 when the former president Katalin Novák resigned over a scandal related to sexual abuse at a children’s home. The case shook Fidesz’s core protestors and gave momentum to the currently most popular opposition party and its leader Péter Magyar of the Tisza party.

Second possible explanation

The Pride ban appears to be an attempt by Fidesz to appeal to far-right voters, especially those who are supporting Mi Hazánk, the far-right extremist party here in Hungary. Securing their votes could be crucial to regain political dominance.

How did people react?

As a response, thousands took to the streets in protest. In Budapest, the demonstrators symbolically occupied bridges to highlight the violations against civil liberties and democratic rights. In April 2025 alone, there were at least 6 bridge occupations, mainly at the Erzsébet Bridge. These actions caused significant traffic disruptions and in several cases, authorities restricted or dispersed the demonstrators.

How did the government respond?

The government’s response was firm. According to the opposition Momentum party, over 100 people were affected by police actions and sought legal help. More than 80 protesters received administrative fines, totalling 11 million Hungarian forints, which is approximately 28,000 euros. Now, many see that the heavy-handed policing is another sign of the shrinking space for dissent in Hungary.

What happens next?

Despite the nationwide ban, the Budapest Pride organizers have already confirmed that the march will go ahead this year anyway. The mayor of Budapest and several embassies, including those of Germany, the Netherlands and the US, have already pledged to support a peaceful assembly.