A debate with Sebastian Schäffer (IDM) about the EU Summit on Asharq News

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IDM Director Sebastian Schäffer was invited to talk about the priorities of the current EU summit in Brussels for Asharq News, a TV station based in Dubai. Together with colleagues from Berlin and Paris, he analysed possible outcomes, especially with regards to security guarantees for Ukraine as well as the next round of sanctions towards the Russian Federation. When being asked who is paying are higher price for the sanctions, Moscow or Brussels, Schäffer stated that Ukraine in paying the highest price with being invaded, infrastructure being destroyed as well as people being killed. The upcoming NATO summit as well as the relationship between the EU and China were also part of the discussion. 

United for Democracy: First annual meeting of the Team Europe Democracy Initiative (TED) Network

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“The global level of democracy is back to 1986” – stated Staffan Lindberg, the Director of the V-Dem Institute of the University of Gothenburg, during his talk at the first TED Meeting in Brussels on 21 June 2023. In his presentation, he showcased graphs from the V-Dem Democracy report, underscoring this concerning reality. In 2022, the average number of people living in liberal democracies declined to the level seen in 1986, a year marked by the Cold War and the Reykjavik summit meeting between Gorbachev and Reagan. The progress achieved since then in shaping and strengthening democracies now appears to be crumbling – beyond the borders of the European Union but also within the EU itself. We are witnessing the constriction of fundamental freedoms, power centralisation and the rise of autocracy in many countries around the world. 

To counter such alarming trends, the European Commission and 14 Member States launched the thematic initiative Team Europe Democracy (TED) in 2021. It aims to actively promote democracy, human rights, and more effective interventions in support of democracy worldwide, and it seeks to provide a platform for experts to exchange ideas and collaborate on these topics. Furthermore, it wants to serve as an interface between EU institutions, Member States, think tanks and NGOs. The TED initiative is built upon three interconnected pillars, which should complement one another: 1) research on democratic support best practices and policies, 2) the TED Network, and 3) providing expertise at the country level.  

As part of the TED network, the IDM received an invitation to take part in the first annual meeting. IDM Research Associate Sophia Beiter attended the meeting, the primary goals of which were to provide information about the initiative, to start the networking activities and to jointly develop a working plan for the following year. Participants contributed ideas for the working plan, focusing on three thematic areas: 1) Accountability and Rule of Law, 2) Political and Civic Participation, and 3) Media and Digital. 

Danube Salon at Europa Forum Wachau 2023

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IDM Short Insights 26: Five years of Prespa Agreement

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On 17 June 2018, representatives of the then-republic of Macedonia and Greece signed the historic Prespa agreement, paving the former Yugoslav republic’s way into NATO and the EU. The agreement included a name change of the Republic of Macedonia to North Macedonia and clarification that the Southern-Slavic nation is not related to the ancient kingdom of Macedonia, with which a considerable part of Greeks identify. In exchange the Macedonian language was recognized by the United Nations and Greece stopped its veto on North Macedonia’s NATO and EU accession talks. The Prespa Forum Dialogue 2023 at lake Ohrid looked at good and improvable examples of neighbourly relations in the Western Balkans. These relations are also reflected in the region’s numerous border lakes.

Transcript:

I am in Struga, a town located at the Lake Ohrid in North Macedonia. The shores of this picturesque lake became the scene for several meetings of representatives from the Western Balkan region and the International Community since the Yugoslav Succession Wars. 

So was the Ohrid Framework Agreement signed here in the closeby city with the same name in 2001. This agreement aimed to put an end to violent conflicts within the Former Yugoslav Republic Macedonia and to secure minority rights, especially those of the largest ethnic minority, the Albanians, in order to consolidate the sovereignity and territorial integrity of the country, although tensions continue to flare up time and again. 

In March of 2023, Kosovos Prime Minister Albin Kurti and Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic met in Ohrid to discuss the so-called European Proposal aiming for normalization of relations between both countries. Although EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrel tweeted “We have a deal” after the meeting, both parties did not sign the agreement and the implementation of respective proposal is still pending. In the last days violence is escalating in the Serb-majority North of Kosovo, making a peaceful resolution in the near future even more unlikely. 

This week, the Prespa Forum Dialogue took place here in Struga. And this very day of recording the video, June 17 2023, marks five years of signing the historic Prespa Agreement between North Macedonia and Greece. In 2018, representatives of Greece and the then-republic of Macedonia met at the closeby lake Prespa on the borders of Albania, Greece and North Macedonia and signed the agreement paving the former Yugoslav republic’s way into NATO and the EU. The agreement included a name change of the Republic of Macedonia to North Macedonia and clarification that the Southern-Slavic nation is not related to the ancient kingdom of Macedonia, with which a considerable part of Greeks identify. In exchange the Macedonian language was recognized by the United Nations and Greece stopped its veto on North Macedonia’s NATO and EU accession talks. North Macedonia became a NATO member in 2020 and EU accession talks began in 2022. 

I had the pleasure to speak at a panel at the 2023 Prespa Forum Dialogue about youth’s contribution to the energy transition and a sustainable future for all. In order to achieve these goals, cross-border cooperation is inevitable. Environmental protection does not stop at borders, the air, rivers and lakes do not know borders – Lake Prespa, but also Lake Ohrid are perfect examples for this. The dispute between Kosovo and Serbia is also reflected in a border lake, namely lake Gazivoda. How this conflict flows into environmental and energy issues is described in our upcoming issue of our German-language magazine Info Europa. “Kampf ums Wasser”, meaning “The fight for water” is published on 15th July as supplement to the Austrian daily Die Presse and a free-of-charge ePaper. So make sure to read this and many more interesting stories about environmental, social and also military conflicts in the region. 

IDM Short Insights 25: Bulgaria’s New Government: Pro-European, Yet Divided

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Two months after the parliamentary elections in Bulgaria, a new government has finally been formed. The conservative centre-right alliance GERB-SDS and the liberal alliance “Change Continues – Democratic Bulgaria” will form a joint 18-month government with rotating prime ministers. First, Nikolay Denkov from the liberals will become prime minister. After nine months Mariya Gabriel from GERB-SDS will succeed him. The new Bulgarian government is expected to pursue a pro-European agenda. At the same time, the alliances will have to bridge their differences to provide long-term stability for Bulgaria.

Bulgaria’s New Government: Pro-European, Yet Divided 

Bulgaria has formed a new government. For many this may come as a surprise and relief at the same time. The elections in April 2023 marked the fifth parliamentary election within a span of only 2 years. Now the winner of the election, the conservative centre-right alliance GERB-SDS, and the liberal alliance “Change Continues – Democratic Bulgaria” have reached an agreement. They will establish an 18-month joint government with rotating prime ministers. In a vote in parliament on 6 June, the government was confirmed with 131 out of 200 votes. First, the liberal’s former Education Minister, Nikolay Denkov, will assume the role of Prime Minister. After nine months he will be succeeded by former EU Commissioner Marija Gabriel from the conservative GERB-SDS.  

Bulgaria is in urgent need of stable governance. Whether the new government can provide long-term stability remains to be seen. The negotiations between the alliances were challenging. During the election campaign, the liberals firmly rejected any idea of a coalition with the conservatives. Talks even experienced a temporary freeze due to a leaked video of the liberals’ internal discussions. The deep divisions and lack of trust between the alliances are evident. But they also have some common goals. The new government will pursue a pro-European agenda. Bulgaria’s accession to the Schengen and the Eurozone are expected to be among the government’s primary objectives. Both alliances also support providing military aid to Ukraine. Regarding domestic concerns, a comprehensive reform of the judiciary system and combating corruption will be given top priority. It is now up to Denkov and Gabriel to overcome their differences.  

“Developing society’s post-war resilience in Ukraine” conference in Croatia

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On 6 June 2023, IDM Research Associate Jack Gill was invited to speak on a panel at a conference hosted at the University of Zadar (Croatia) on “Developing society’s post-war resilience in Ukraine”, organised by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation together with the University of Zadar, the Croatian Statehood Foundation (ZHDZ), the IJEK-Institute, and the Hybrid Warfare Research Institute.

Gill spoke on the first panel, titled “Post-war (re)construction of democratic society in Ukraine”, and gave his insights into the geopolitical context in which Ukraine’s post-war reconstruction would necessarily have to take place. In particular, he highlighted the importance of the Black Sea to the Kremlin’s grand strategy for global power projection, and that what we are currently seeing unfold in Ukraine is Russia trying to permanently secure the strategic territories in southern Ukraine, namely the Oblasts (regions) of Zaporizhzhia and Kherson.

After giving this geopolitical overview of the current situation in Ukraine and Russia, Gill offered the suggestion that, once the war is over, some kind of federal governance system could work well for Ukraine. Drawing a comparison with Germany and Austria after the Second World War, he said that federalism could offer a very stable and decentralised political and legal framework which could ensure a fairer distribution of investment funds after Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine. However, Gill stressed that federalism would be better based on the traditional historical regions of Ukraine, as opposed to the current system of oblasts, which is a legacy of the Soviet period.

With over 40 participating policymakers and experts from Croatia, Germany, Ukraine, Romania, Moldova, the Czech Republic, Slovenia, Slovakia, Bulgaria, the UK, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Hungary, other participants emphasised, among other things, the need for Ukraine’s integration into western political structures, like the European Union, as well as a larger role for youth and civil society in Ukraine’s post-war development. Other important issues mentioned by participants included the role and influence of media (in particular countering malign Russian influence) to strengthen societal resilience, as well as the need for further financial and military support for Ukraine from Western countries.

ONE YEAR TO GO European Parliamentary Elections 2024: What Themes and Narratives?

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From 6 to 9 June 2024, the upcoming European Parliamentary elections will be held. Precisely one year prior to these, the IDM organized a thought-provoking discussion at its premises in Vienna. The debate featured three distinguished Members of the European Parliament: Vladimir Bilcik from Slovakia, Marketa Gregorova from Czechia and Lukas Mandl from Austria. In this Slavkov format, the discussion revolved around the central themes and narratives expected to shape the upcoming EP elections, emphasizing the crucial role of citizens’ engagement and turnout.

The elections in 2024 will be critical for the future of the European Union as they will set the agenda for the years to come. In her opening address, IDM board member Daniela Urschitz highlighted the current state of affairs, stating:

“Since almost a generation the EU has been facing a situation of polycrisis. The population of the EU is living in a period of great uncertainty and transformation, while at the same time a growing group of citizens is feeling left behind by their national governments and even more so by the faceless far away ruler, the European Union.”

The upcoming EU elections will be influenced by a range of common topics across Austria, Slovakia and Czechia. Key issues that will shape the elections include the ongoing Russian war in Ukraine, foreign and security policy issues, migratory issues, and the European Green Deal. Additionally, so-called “Bread-and-butter issues,” such as inflation, which directly impact the daily lives of EU citizens, will hold significant relevance.

Among the threats facing these elections is the rise of populism and the prevalence of disinformation campaigns. Numerous countries have already witnessed such campaigns, particularly in relation to the war in Ukraine. It is crucial to provide a joint European response to effectively counter disinformation. Vladimir Bilcik said:

“Major disinformation campaigns should not spread at the expense of verified information and here only European legislation and rules can make a difference.”

In this context, the debate also touched upon the controversial planned EU legislation, called Defence of Democracy Package that would require non-governmental groups and academic institutions to disclose any non-EU funding they receive.

Despite the significant importance of the elections for the future of the European Union, voter turnout has been very low, particularly in Central and Eastern European countries. In the 2019 EP elections, Slovakia recorded the lowest turnout in the EU, with only 23%, while Czechia followed closely with 29%. Therefore, it becomes imperative to prioritize efforts to enhance citizen participation and motivate voters for the upcoming European elections.

According to Lukas Mandl, a key strategy lies in active leadership and engagement. “It is crucial to talk to people, be active and responsive especially in times of crisis, be physically present.” Looking ahead, Marketa Gregorova hopes for a generational shift:

“Youth is low in turnout when they are young, but they are very interested in the EU. Once they grow into the age when they are more prone to vote, we will hopefully see the fruits of what we are trying to do now here.”

These were some of the findings of the small scale debate “ONE YEAR TO GO European Parliamentary Elections 2024: What Themes and Narratives?” held at the IDM in Vienna on the 6 June 2023. The discussion was moderated by managing director Sebastian Schäffer. It was implemented within the project EUact2-“Towards Democratic and Inclusive Europe: EP Elections and Active Citizens Participation and Contribution” funded by the European Union.

To watch the whole discussion, go to IDM YouTube channel or click here.

Musik und Ekstase gegen die Traurigkeit

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SHMUEL BARZILAI ist seit mehr als 30 Jahren Oberkantor der Wiener Israelitischen Kultusgemeinde (IKG) am Stadttempel. Für INFO EUROPA gibt er einen Einblick in die Rolle der Musik im Chassidismus und verrät, was sich hinter der religiösen Ekstase verbirgt.

Eine jüdische Erzählung berichtet von Rabbi Schabtai, einem sehr armen Buchbinder aus einer polnischen Kleinstadt. Trotz all seiner Arbeit konnte er am Schabbat nicht mehr als etwas Brot und gesalzenen Fisch für das gemeinsame Fest aufbringen. Doch der Rabbi blieb trotz aller Widrigkeiten fröhlich und hatte die Angewohnheit, an jedem Schabbat mit großer Freude zu tanzen. Er lebte zur gleichen Zeit wie Israel ben Eliezer (1700–1760), bekannt als »Baal Schem Tov« (Meister des guten Namens), dem Begründer des Chassidismus. Dieser sah die Tänze von Rabbi Schabtai und sagte ihm, dass er als Verdienst für seinen freudvollen G-ttesdienst* einen Sohn zeugen werde, der die Augen Israels erleuchten wird. Und tatsächlich wurde dem armen Buchbinder ein Sohn geboren, der später einflussreiche Lehrer und Prediger Israel Hopstein von Kozienice. Überlieferungen wie diese zeigen, wie zentral das freudvolle Musizieren und Singen im Chassidismus ist.

Die jüdische Erneuerungsbewegung wurde in der Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts in Osteuropa gegründet und bildet bis heute einen wichtigen Teil des Judentums. Im Chassidismus sind nicht nur das Studium der Tora, sondern auch kleine Taten (als Dienste an G-tt) von wichtiger Bedeutung. Den G-ttesdienst mit Freude zu verrichten, ist eine Idee, die das äußere Erscheinungsbild des Chassidismus stark prägt. Die Literatur ist voll von Lehren, die diese Absicht zum Ausdruck bringen. Viele im Umfeld des Chassidismus erklärten sie sogar zu einer der Neuerungen, die der Chassidismus brachte, und zu einem seiner typischsten Charakterzüge. Musik ist ein zentraler Ausdruck dieser Freude. Dem Musikforscher Abraham Zvi Idelson (1882–1938) zufolge bestehe der wesentliche Wert der Melodie darin, dass sie zu einem Erwachen und einer Freude führe, denn die Traurigkeit stamme von der »anderen Seite« (Sitra achra). Der Gesang hilft dabei, die Traurigkeit in unserem Inneren zu vertreiben. Denn nur ein G-ttesdienst mit Freude ist ein vollständiger Dienst, und dazu braucht es Gesang und Melodie.

Geschichte und Gegenwart

Blicken wir zurück in die lange Geschichte des Judentums, bildeten Instrumente und Gesang schon früh Fixpunkte des G-ttesdienstes. Im Tempel wurde der Gesang von den diensthabenden Lewiim ausgeführt. Sie sangen im Tempel Gesänge des Dankes und des Lobes, während das tägliche Opfer gebracht wurde, wie im »Buch der Chronik« geschrieben steht. Ihr Gesang im Tempel wurde von Musikinstrumenten begleitet, von Flöte, Harfe und Lyra, von Pauke und verschiedenen Zimbeln. Dieser Gesang der Lewiim wurde nicht als »Hintergrundmusik« verstanden, sondern war integraler Bestandteil des G-ttesdienstes und nach der Meinung von Rabbi Meir konnte er sogar das Opferritual verzögern, wie es im Traktat Erechin des Talmud heißt. Aus dem Tempel wanderte der Gesang in die Synagoge. Sie ist der öffentliche Versammlungsort für das dreimal täglich zu verrichtende Gebet, für die Gebete am Schabbat und Feiertag, für das Lernen der heiligen Bücher (wie Tanach, Mischnah, Talmud etc.), aber auch für verschiedene Zusammenkünfte und Veranstaltungen. Die Synagoge entwickelte ihre Bedeutung im Exil und wurde zum Mittelpunkt des geistigen, moralischen und öffentlichen Lebens des Volkes, sie diente als Befestigung seines Bestehens, und ist gewiss bis heute ein Ort der Ehre und Pracht der Gemeinde Israels. Jedes öffentliche Ereignis und jede Versammlung von Tora-Lernenden, Persönlichkeiten des Gemeindelebens oder Versammlungen des Volkes zu Zeiten der Freude oder der Not hatten ihren Platz in der Synagoge. Das liturgische Rezitativ war und ist die wichtigste Disziplin des Vorbeters. Er macht von verschiedenen traditionellen melodischen Mustern Gebrauch, von denen einige festgelegt, andere flexibel sind. Als Oberkantor habe ich neben der traditionellen Musik auch viele neue Melodien in den G-ttesdienst mitgebracht, damit möglichst viele Gemeindemitglieder mitsingen können. Ich finde, wenn man zusammen singt, kommt nicht nur viel Freude auf, sondern alle fühlen, dass sie nicht nur passiv, sondern aktiv mitbeten können. Ich habe auch einen Kinderchor gegründet. Er singt zusätzlich zu dem Erwachsenenchor an jedem Schabbat und Feiertag. Der Kinderchor bringt frischen Wind und Freude in die Gemeinde und in die Familien, in denen diese Melodien gesungen werden.

Bedeutungsvolle Tänze

Neben dem Gesang spielt auch der Tanz eine wichtige Rolle im Chassidismus. Die religiöse Ekstase, die mit dem Tanz erstarkt und aufsteigt, lässt die Tanzenden die Welt um sie herum vergessen und erhebt sie zum Himmel. Dahinter steht die Überzeugung, dass der G-ttesdienst im Tanz nicht nur mit der Seele geschieht, sondern auch mit dem Körper. Die Freude ist nicht nur in Geist und Seele, sondern auch zur Gänze in uns und unserem Körper. Für diesen Augenblick der Ekstase ist es uns Menschen möglich, unseren Geist nach oben zu erheben und uns mit G-tt zu verbinden. In einem Interview, das ich mit dem ehemaligen Oberrabbiner von Österreich, Rabbi Chaim Eisenberg, führte, brachte der Rabbiner weitere Erklärungen über die Bedeutung von Tänzen im Chassidismus vor: »Zum Beispiel beim Simchat Tora, wenn man mit der Tora in einem Kreis tanzt, so heißt das, man hat den Kreis der Tora-Lesung beendet. Eine andere Erklärung ist, dass im Kreis alle gleich weit von der Mitte sind, und die Mitte ist das Zentrum, und Zentrum ist die Tora, oder der liebe G-tt, und wir sind gleich weit und sollen nicht glauben, der eine ist nahe und der andere ist weit. Diese Tanzbewegungen haben viel zu bedeuten, Tanz ist viel mehr als Disco.«

*G-tt ist eine von mehreren Schreibweisen im Judentum, um das Wort Gott zu vermeiden. Besonders orthodoxen Jüd*innen ist es wichtig, den Namen nicht auf einen menschlichen Begriff zu reduzieren.

Shmuel Barzilai auf Spotify

ORF-Beitrag (1998) zum Chassidismus

Webseite

 

Mag. Shmuel Barzilai ist Kantor und Komponist, geboren in Jerusalem. Er studierte an der Yeshiva »Beer Yaakov«, K‘nesset Chiskijahu und Hevron, am Rabbiner College in Givataim (Israel), am Institut für Kantoren-Gesang der Stadt Tel Aviv sowie Philosophie und Judaistik an der Universität Wien. Seit 1992 ist er als Oberkantor der Israelitischen Kultusgemeinde in Wien tätig.

European Elections 2024: What to expect in Central and Eastern Europe

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The EU has recently approved the dates for the next European parliamentary elections for 6-9 June 2024. On these dates, the Europeans will determine who will sit in the European Parliament for the next five years (2024–2029). The elections simultaneously imply changes in the political leadership in other EU institutions, including the Commission.

Apart from 223 Central and East European (CEE) members of the European Parliament (who constitute 32% of all MEPs), eight of the twelve commissioners from CEE have a low chance of being re-elected. Given this rather significant future re-structuring, one would expect that the discussions about European affairs will heated and the race for European posts competitive.

Here is what you need to know about the patterns and preferences in CEE when it comes to EU elections.

First, despite positive attitudes about the EU membership, the turnout in EU elections is historically low. On average 56% of CEE respondents say their country’s membership of the EU is a good thing. This is only 5% below average for the EU27. But while the EU average is 50.6% (in the 2019 elections),  turnout in the last EU elections was only 38.8% in CEE.

Respondents are most likely to think that EU membership is a good thing for their country in Lithuania (79%), Estonia (66%) and Poland and Latvia (both 65%) compared with 42% in Austria, 46% in Romania and 44% in Slovakia. The highest election turnout is registered in Austria (60%), Lithuania (53%) and Romania (51%). This is in contrast to Slovakia (23%), Czechia and Slovenia (29% each) and Croatia (30%), where the numbers are the lowest.

Interestingly, in Austria, where the EP election turnout (60%) is the highest, the country has the fewest people (42%) in the whole of CEE think who think EU membership is a good thing. Similarly in Romania, while 51% citizens cast their ballots in the EP elections, 46% think EU membership is good for their country (one of the lowest in CEE). On the opposite end of the spectrum is Slovakia, which has the lowest turnout in EP elections (23%) and lowest support for the EU (44%).

Second, CEE citizens tend to be uninvolved in EU affairs and they prefer national rather than EU elections. In general, only 46% (as opposed to 54% on EU average) from CEE are interested in the EU elections in 2024. Only less than four in ten respondents in Czechia, Slovakia (both 27%), Estonia (37%) say they are in interested in the next European elections. Those are the lowest numbers in the whole of the EU. The most excited are Hungarian (59%), Poles and Austrians (both 58%). When it comes to preferences of national rather than EU elections, the lowest difference (which means people are more likely to go to vote in EU elections) are in Romania (national 50%, EU 41%) and Hungary (national 65%, EU 52%). The largest gaps are again registered in Czechia (national 64%, EU 28%), Slovakia (national 58%, EU 26%), and Latvia (national 70%, EU 39%).

Third, most CEE citizens have a neutral view on the European Parliament (43%). Views are most positive in Romania (46%), Bulgaria and Croatia (40% each) and Poland (39%). The most negative are again in Czechia and Slovakia (26% each), but also in Austria (21%), Romania and Hungary (19% each).

Fourth, there are still plenty of myths about the European institutions. For example, that the European Parliament: “has no real power”, “is just a talking shop”, “is a place to make money by national politicians”, that “Member States are under a Brussels diktat’” or that the EU is a ‘bureaucratic monster’ are commonly spread among CEE citizens. The “Qatargate” scandal does not help in building trust and confidence in the European Parliament, or the EU as such. As a result, there is no room for genuine discussions on EU treaty reform, electoral reform (transnational lists), the lead candidate, or ”Spitzenkandidaten”.

Fifth, some CEE governments thrive on conflicts with the EU. The EU bashing makes rational discussion about the EU impossible. Anti-European ruling parties such as Hungarian Fidesz or Polish Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) send to Brussels and Strasbourg their representatives, who embrace the art of the electoral obstruction, refuse to admit the legitimacy of the European institutions while they happily accept generous remuneration from the EU institutions for their work. If Poland and Hungary do not change their collision course with the EU, the upcoming European elections might be the last before the Euroscepticism blossoms for good in those countries.

Sixth, CEE is far from homogeneous, especially when we add Austria to the mix. This is true for topics such as Russia’s aggression against Ukraine (for example Hungary’s Russia-friendly stance as opposed to hawkishly anti-Russian Polish policy), democracy and the adherence to rule of law (issues in Poland and Hungary in comparison to the Czech Hevellian policy), action against climate change (important for Austria (76%) but only 44% for Estonia), migration policy (extremely important for domestic politics in Austria (74%) and Hungary (75%)) or EU enlargement (supported by 73% in Poland and Lithuania, but only by 37% in Austria).

When it comes to the most pressing concerns in CEE that could potentially become the themes of the next European political campaign, they include the rising cost of living, Ukraine and the potential spread of the war to other countries, migration and Schengen zone enlargement, future EU enlargement and the risks to common European values such as freedom and democracy.

Other more specific issues could include:

  • Support for the economy and the creation of new jobs is the priority topic for 42% in Croatia, 39% in Estonia, 37% in Latvia and Romania.
  • The fight against poverty and social exclusion are the most mentioned topics in Lithuania (50%), Bulgaria (44%) and Slovakia (39%).
  • The EU’s autonomy in the field of industry and energy is considered the top priority in Czechia (49%) and is also chosen by 30% in Estonia.
  • Public health ranks first in Slovenia (42%) and Hungary (40%).
  • The EU’s defence and security, which was chosen as priority topic for 35% in Poland.
  • Interestingly, Austria is again an outlier here, as action against climate change was highest mentioned in Austria (38%). Other CEE countries do not rank this topic high among their concerns.

In short, one year is a long time and creating a list of themes of electoral campaign would be only a guessing game. There is no doubt that the electoral discourse and priorities will be shaped by public sentiment, domestic policies, and regional dynamics leading up to the European parliamentary elections in 2024.

But if the politicians want to engage with the citizens and motivate them to vote, they should start work now. If not, citizens in CEE will remain uninterested and uninvolved, and keep seeing the EU mostly as economic union that provides material benefits. As a result, even if the race for prestigious and lucrative European posts will be competitive, the discussions with the general public will not be heated at all, and the region will be the laggard in the EU elections turnout. They will be lucky if citizens even show up at the events during the EU political campaign.

 

Author: Kinga Brudzińska