Péter Techet on the Mafia state and Clan Loyalty in Orbán’s Hungary for “taz”

In the German newspaper “TAZ,” Peter Techet, research associate at IDM, wrote an op-ed regarding the current scandal in Hungary (following the resignation of the President of the State), i.e. the revelations from a Fidesz insider about the regime as a “family business.” Techet argues that Hungary is a post-communist Mafia state: the Orbán regime is not held together by an ideology, but by pure clan loyalty.

The article can be read here.

Sebastian Schäffer for Fair Observer: Make Sense of the New Central Europe and the EU

Sebastian Schäffer discussed about what is going on in Central Europe with Fair Observer since the region has seen a rise in populist, nationalist political parties that seemingly stand against the values of the EU. Member states like Hungary are even backsliding on democracy. Hungary has blocked some financial aid from entering Ukraine as it enters its third year of war with Russia.

You can watch the whole interview here.

 

Ukrainische Geflüchtete in Polen: Analyse von Malwina Talik im Jahrbuch der Polnischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (Wien)



Foto: Polnische Akademie der Wissenschaften – Wissenschaftliches Zentrum in Wien

 

Vor der russischen Großinvasion auf die Ukraine war Polen für viele Ukrainer*innen ein Zielland für Arbeitsmigration, wobei die Männer die Mehrheit stellten. Am 24. Februar 2024 änderte sich diese Dynamik, als Millionen Menschen vor dem Krieg flüchten mussten. Vor allem Frauen und Kinder flohen ins Ausland, da Männer das Land nicht verlassen durften. Unsere Kollegin Malwina Talik analysierte die Auswirkungen des Krieges auf die ukrainische Diaspora in Polen im ersten Jahr des Konflikts in ihrem Artikel “Von Arbeits- zur Fluchtmigration: Die Ukrainer*innen in Polen im ersten Jahr der russischen Großinvasion”, der in der neuen Ausgabe des Jahrbuchs des Wissenschaftlichen Zentrums der Polnischen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien erschienen ist.

Panel Discussion “Youth, Democracy, and Right-Wing Extremism”

February 18, 2024, St. Gilgen am Wolfgangsee

During the annual seminar of the Green Student Organization “Verde,” a panel discussion on the far-right tendencies in Austria and other European countries took place. Péter Techet, research associate at the Institute for the Danube Region and Central Europe (IDM), participated in the discussion. Other participants were Lena Schilling, the lead candidate for the Austrian Greens in the European Parliament elections, Barbara Neßler, member of the Austrian National Council for the Greens, and Paul Schmidt, chairman of the Austrian Society for European Politics.

Techet analysed the situation in several countries, such as Germany, Italy, and Hungary, as well as the differences between the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ). He also discussed whether and how far-right parties could network after the European Parliament elections. Lena Schilling presented the Green strategy for the next European Parliament, Barbara Neßler spoke about the right-wing tendencies in Austrian politics, and Paul Schmidt emphasized the importance of the European Parliament elections. Subsequently, the participants, i.e. members of “Verde,” could also ask questions.

Péter Techet about the consequences of resignation of the Hungarian president for ARTE

In the evening news of the Franco-German cultural channel ARTE, Péter Techet, research associate at the IDM, discussed whether the resignation of the Hungarian president and the criticism from a former Fidesz insider could endanger Viktor Orbán’s power.

You can watch the statement here in German (after 8:00) or in French (after 7:47).

Book Presentation and Discussion: “Post-Communist Regimes and Mafia States in Eastern Europe: The Case of Hungary”

February 14, 2024, IDM

On February 14, 2024, the concept of two Hungarian sociologists, Bálint Magyar and Bálint Madlovics (CEU Democracy Institute), focusing on post-communist regimes and Hungary as a “post-communist mafia state” was presented at the Institute for Danube Region and Central Europe (IDM) in Vienna.

According to the concept of the authors, post-communist regimes cannot be understood based on the prevailing ideology but the informal structures must be analysed. Depending on whether the oligarchy is plural or monopolistic, or how the state pursues criminal goals, states of Eastern Europe can be categorized. According to concept, Hungary is a “mafia state” where a mafia-like clique has seized control of the entire country. Therefore, corruption is not a crime or abnormality but rather the essence of this state. A “mafia state” is not a state where the mafia tries to infiltrate the state; rather, it is a state where the mafia itself becomes the state, where the law is set and applied for criminal purposes. In a “mafia state,” there is no competition among different oligarchs; everything is subject to a single criminal power centre. Such a system operates “feudally”: the “Lord” is at the top, and even the “oligarchs” receive their wealth from him. Clan loyalty, not ideology, holds the system together.

At the beginning of the event, Péter Techet, a research associate at the Institute for the Danube Region and Central Europe (IDM), briefly introduced the concept of the “post-communist mafia state.” Techet mentioned a recent scandal in Hungary: After the President of the State, Katalin Novák, had to resign due to pardoning an accomplice in a child abuse case, a Fidesz insider spoke out unusually harshly and openly against the regime. The former Fidesz insider also resigned from all his positions and stated that the country had become a “family business.” Techet emphasized that the former Fidesz insider addressed the phenomenon that the two sociologists, Bálint Magyar and Bálint Madlovics, analyse and describe in their concept of a “post-communist mafia state.”

Paul Lendvai, an expert of Eastern Europe and columnist for the daily newspaper “Der Standard,” hold the book’s laudation. He argued that the European Union and Western European politicians still do not understand Eastern Europe and therefore have not found a way to deal with the post-communist regimes there. Lendvai stressed that Hungary is not an isolated case because other autocrats in the region also seek to follow the Hungarian model. He recommended that everyone should know the concept of Magyar and Madlovics because it provides a very realistic description of Eastern European conditions.

After Lendvai’s introduction, the two authors, Magyar and Madlovics, gave a lecture on their concept. They explained how a mafia state functions, how ideologies and the legal system are used, and how such a state should be treated as a criminal organization. They also discussed the significant differences between Hungary, Ukraine, and Poland: in Poland, the national conservatives did not alter the state in criminal interest; in Ukraine, a feudal power centre did not emerge. In contrast, Hungary is not an oligarchic democracy because the oligarchs themselves depend on a single power centre. Magyar and Madlovics emphasized that the ideologies Viktor Orbán uses in his rhetoric serve only to hide the true criminal purpose of the Hungarian “mafia state.” Therefore, it is misleading to see Orbán as a Christian conservative or as a right-wing nationalist; his politics aim not at realizing an ideology but at securing familial power.

Following the lecture, a panel discussion took place, also with Helmut Brandstätter, Member of the National Council and lead candidate of the Neos for the European Parliament elections. Unfortunately, Ewa Dziedzic-Ernst, Member of the National Council for the Greens, had to cancel her participation due to another appointment. During the discussion, Brandstätter emphasized that the European Union should take a more consistent and decisive stance against illiberal tendencies. He argued that the European Union had financed such systems as in Hungary for too long. Magyar advocated for a different approach by the EU toward Hungary, suggesting that European integration should deepen without Hungary’s involvement. Lendvai also stressed that the European Union still does not understand that Hungary used EU funding to expand its “mafia state.” The discussion also addressed the negative role of German capital in Hungary in building the Orbán system: Madlovics explained how Orbán economically supports and politically needs German companies in Hungary. In return, German companies accept the rules of a “mafia state.” However, Brandstätter and Lendvai also pointed out that Orbán not only built a “mafia state” in Hungary but also supports anti-European forces in the EU, making it essential for the EU to halt developments in Hungary with legal and financial means.

Péter Techet on the mafia state in Hungary

In the Italian daily newspaper “Domani,” Péter Techet, research associate at the Institute for the Danube Region and Central Europe (IDM), was also interviewed about the current scandal in Hungary, which occurred following the resignation of President Katalin Novák. An insider from the Fidesz party revealed in an interview: The regime operates like a mafia state, where fear reigns and everything is controlled. Techet commented to “Domani” that the Fidesz-insider, who was married to the former Justice Minister of Hungary, described a regime “where the Stockholm Syndrome prevails: everyone, even those at the top of the power, are controlled and abused, the state functions like a family mafia.”

The article (behind a paywall) can be read in Italian here.

Melanie Jaindl: Intersektionalität und visuelle Versicherheitlichung von Migranten auf der Balkanroute – Angreifer, Beschützer, oder doch Feigling?

Melanie Jaindl veröffentlichte eine wissenschaftliche Analyse über das ungarische und serbische Medienframing von Migranten auf der Balkanroute in den Südosteuropa Mitteilungen 6/2023 der Südosteuropa Gesellschaft e.V.

Abstract:

Eight years after the “long summer of migration” in 2015, debates about asylum and migration are still dominating European political discourse. Photojournalistic images of people coming to Europe became engrained into collective memory, underpinning their importance in the securitization of these events. This article explores the visual securitization of migrants in Serbian and Hungarian media in 2015 at the time of the construction of a border fence between both countries. Focus is given to mediatized narratives about gender and its intersections. It shows how discourses construct identities as vulnerable or threatening and how these narratives create realities for migrants.

 

Lesen Sie es hier.

Péter Techet on the Hungarian “Bill on the Protection of Sovereignty”

In the current issue of the Swiss magazine “Religion und Gesellschaft in Ost und West,” Péter Techet analyzes the reasons and dangers of the “Bill on the Protection of Sovereignty,” which was passed in December in the Budapest Parliament. Techet explains how and why the government parties uses legal tools in order to restrict the opposition parties. The entire article can be read here.

Sebastian Schäffer als Wissenschaftsbotschafter am PdG BORG Radstadt

Im Nachgang unserer IDMMelange – unserem Format zum Austausch mit alten und neuen Kooperationspartner*innen sowie Freund*innen des Instituts – im August 2023 mit Petra Siegele, Bereichsleiterin Public Science beim OeAD – Österreichs Agentur für Bildung und Internationalisierung, wurde IDM-Direktor Sebastian Schäffer zum Wissenschaftsbotschafter. Diese sind Teil der Maßnahmen zu „Trust in Science and Democracy“ (TruSD) des OeAD, der durch den kontinuierlichen Ausbau verschiedener Formate der Wissenschaftsvermittlung an Schulen fördert. Das Bundesministerium für Bildung, Wissenschaft und Forschung (BMBWF) stärkt damit das Vertrauen in Wissenschaft und Demokratie.  

Am 31. Jänner 2024 hatte Schäffer nun seinen ersten Einsatz als Wissenschaftsbotschafter. Bei einem virtuellen Besuch der Modulgruppe “Wir in der EU” am Pierre de Coubertin BORG Radstadt über Europäische Integration, Erweiterung und seine Tätigkeit am IDM. Dabei zeigte er auch aktuelle, besorgniserregende Daten aus der Eurobarometer-Umfrage zur Zufriedenheit mit der EU sowie die Wahrscheinlichkeit bezüglich der Teilnahme an den Parlamentswahlen. Die Umfrage in der Modulgruppe ergaben hier wesentlich hoffnungsvollere Ergebnisse. Auch eine Erweiterung der EU fand allgemeine Zustimmung. In der anschließenden Diskussion zeigten die Schüler*innen nicht nur ihr Interesse, sondern auch ihr fundiertes Wissen.  

Fotocredit: Franz Saller/PdG BORG Radstadt