Parliamentary Elections in Slovakia 2023

Read the briefing by Daniel Martínek here:

The whole discussion will be available on the YouTube channel of the IDM:

 

Daniel Martínek über die Wahlen in der Slowakei für den Eastblog und DerStandard

Im Nachbarland Österreichs finden im September Parlamentswahlen statt. Unser Kollege Daniel Martínek analysiert die Stimmung in der Slowakei und mögliche regionale Auswirkungen für den Eastblog der Forschungsgruppe Osteuropa am Institut für Politikwissenschaft der Universität Wien und DerStandard. 

Eastblog

DerStandard

 

Dieser Text wurde auch ins Englische übersetzt und ist hier abrufbar.

Global Fragility: An uncertain future

 

Continuing support for Ukraine, resilience of Europe in the face of war and mitigating the global consequences of the conflict in a global dialogue were three overarching themes of GLOBSEC Bratislava Forum that took place on 29-31 May 2023 in Bratislava, Slovakia.

In light of the ongoing war in Ukraine and its consequences felt across, rebuilding stability, keeping unity and re-establishing links in Europe is more important than ever before. GLOBSEC Forum was designed to provide platform and create synergies among different stakeholders to respond to the challenges of today and foremost tomorrow.

The IDM was a content partner of the Forum and contributed to a high level exclusive thematic dinner “Echoes of War: Unraveling Global Consequences of the War in Ukraine”. What is more, Sebastian Schäffer, the IDM’s Managing Director was a panellist at timely side event: “The

European Political Community as an Inclusive Forum for Dialogue: Is this Enough?” co-organized by GLOBSEC and the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR). Finally, Director Schäffer took part in the activities related to GLOBSEC Danube Tech Valley Initiative.

The Implications of President Joe Biden’s Visit to Warsaw: national and regional perspectives  

President Joe Biden is coming to Poland this week, almost exactly one year after the Russian invasion in Ukraine started. On 21 February Biden was also in Kyiv on a surprise visit, for which he used Rzeszów in Poland to transfer to Ukraine. But the visit, despite being symbolic, has some domestic and regional implications. 

 

According to the information available today, in Poland President Biden (POTUS) will hold bilateral talks with the leaders of the ruling camp (including the Polish President, Andrzej Duda), make a public address to the Poles (at the symbolic place near the Royal Castle in Warsaw), and take part in the meeting of the so-called Bucharest Nine, a group of nine NATO countries in Eastern Europe. Just as it happened on 26 March 2022, the upcoming visit will focus on security issues, and its underlying theme will be the anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. 

 

Biden will be the first US president to visit Poland again in less than a year after the previous one, although Barack Obama visited Poland three times: in 2011, 2014, and 2016. Poland was chosen as a destination for the POTUS visit because it has become a hub for international support for Ukraine. Nowadays Poland is a territory through which Western supplies are entering Ukraine, be they humanitarian or military. Moreover, the country is important as it received one of the biggest numbers of refugees (around 950 thousands so far) among EU countries and in the region. Apart from Poland, the Czech Republic and Bulgaria are hosting significant numbers of refugees, but they are significantly lower: 432 thousands and 147 thousands respectively. 

 

Poland is also one of the most hawkish countries in Europe as regards Russia on the international stage. It has proposed far reaching sanctions and other measures that NATO/EU allies could implement (such as the transfer of MIG-29s). Along with the Baltic republics, Poland was also one of the biggest and most active proponents of the EU membership candidate status for Ukraine.  

 

The visit is not free from certain controversies, however. Many Poles as well as commentators in the West do not like the fact that Biden will probably strategically turn a blind eye to the policies of Poland’s ruling government that deteriorate the rule of law and democracy at home. The visit will strengthen the image of PiS as a party that has a special relationship with the US, while the country positions itself on the margins of the EU. In fact, Mr Biden once criticised Poland, listing it alongside Belarus and Hungary as examples of “the rise of totalitarian regimes in the world.” By contrast, ahead of Mr Biden’s visit, White House spokesman John Kirby rightly applauded Warsaw for being “a strident ally and a tremendous supporter of Ukraine.”  

 

In short, the PiS government will be able to present themselves as those who improved Poland’s position in the alliance, and this in turn would play in the government’s favour during the election year. It is important for the PiS government to present the relations with the US as better than ever before because the politicians of the Polish right want to be seen by the domestic audience as world leaders. President Biden’s second visit to Poland in less than a year will only strengthen this view. 

 

In the region, Poland is already perceived as a country that has a leading role in supporting Ukraine. Moreover, while Poland perceives itself as a natural leader in Central Europe, this is not the view of countries like the Czech Republic or the Baltic States. The backsliding of democracy at home does not strengthen Warsaw’s role in the region.  

 

One of the important platforms for regional cooperation – the Visegrad Group – is already struggling to speak with a coherent voice on a Ukraine policy as Hungarian policy has drifted away from Polish, Czech and Slovak approaches. The Czech Republic and Slovakia are also distancing themselves from Hungary and Poland at the EU level, and are more and more interested in engaging with Austria in the Slavkov/Austerliz format. Warsaw is also a supporter of the Three Seas Initiative, a platform of cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe, supported by the US, but which is not so popular, for example in Slovakia. The only platform through which Poland can showcase its leadership is the Bucharest Nine, which became the vehicle of regional governments to demonstrate their interest in helping Ukraine. We should not expect many changes in internal dynamics in this grouping given President Biden’s presence in Warsaw. But without Warsaw reversing the backsliding of the rule of law and democracy at home, Poland will not be seen by other countries in the region as a “leader” in Central Europe. 

 

In a public speech, Biden intends to express his thanks to Polish society for the universal, direct support for refugees and humanitarian aid sent to Ukraine. This is, of course, a praiseworthy attitude, but it is rather the society itself that should be credited for extending a helping hand to Ukrainians. The Polish government’s record is more mixed in this respect. Recognition from the US president will allow the authorities to dismiss accusations of inhumane treatment of migrants on the border with Belarus.  

 

When it comes to the region, President Biden’s visit to Warsaw underlines that fact that NATO’s eastern flank has finally found its voice as it proved to be right about Russia’s intention towards Ukraine in the past. However, as Czech Foreign Minister Jan Lipavský told Politico, Western countries are still “much stronger” on the economic and military front” and they have the financial capacity to help Ukraine.  

 

In short, this visit is important and symbolic but fraught with national and regional sensitivities. 

In the Eye of the Storm: Political Turmoil in Slovakia

On 15 December 2022, the Slovak parliament voted on a motion of no confidence for the government led by Eduard Heger of the Ordinary People and Independent Personalities (OĽaNO). Even though there is no clear answer yet what exactly will happen next, it is very likely that the next parliamentary elections, scheduled originally for February-March 2024, will happen one year earlier. Whether the voters cast their ballot earlier or as originally planned, Slovakia awaits a period of political instability as the political parties will strive to quickly end it. Despite turbulence on national scene, is very likely that Bratislava will continue its European and pro-Atlantic orientation. Finally, Slovakia, next to Estonia, Poland, Ukraine and Belarus will be the fifth country in Central and Eastern Europe to hold parliamentary election in 2023.  

Background  

The fall of the government in Slovakia has been in the making for some time already. Struggling with multiple crises and persistent domestic political instability connected to the consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine, the outgoing government had a hard time fulfilling its electoral promises to settle accounts after the long-standing rule of the left and to clean up state institutions. One can say that the conflicts within the coalition (especially between head of OL’aNO and the Freedom and Solidarity Party, SaS) characterised the entire period of government. The tensions reached their peak after the decision of then Prime Minister Igor Matovič (OĽaNO) to purchase Russian Sputnik V coronavirus vaccines. The political reshuffle in March 2021, when PM Matovič was consequently forced to step down as the prime minister (to become the minister of finance), did not help to save the government in the long term. The loss of majority and the formation of a minority government in September 2022 (after the ministers from the SaS party left the government after Matovič’s refusal to leave the government) was the beginning of the end of the OL’aNO-led government. 

The motion of no-confidence was pulled by MPs from two opposition parties, the liberal (SaS) and the HLAS-SD(Voice) – the Social Democracy party. In the end, 78 out of 102 present MPs voted in favour. The outgoing government leaves the unapproved state budget for 2023 (which was supposed to be the cornerstone for the much-needed financial assistance to families and companies during the ongoing energy crisis), the underfunded healthcare system and the management of migration waves. All of these represent huge challenges for the new government.  

The future paths of political instability 

There are three possible future scenarios. First, the government remains in office until regular elections in 2024 (the least likely as these caretaker governments have limited powers). Second, President Čaputová entrusts the formation of a caretaker government to another politician or expert (not likely but technically possible). Third, snap elections take place in the first half of 2023 (most probable). For the last scenario to happen, it would be necessary to pass the amendments to the constitution first, which could be decided simultaneously with a referendum on amending the constitution that is scheduled for 21 January 2023. 

The president, the speaker of the parliament, and the opposition (i.e. social democratic parties HLAS-SD (led by Peter Pellegrini) and SMER-SD (led by Robert Fico)) are the most in favour of snap elections (to happen between April and June 2023). It is exactly these two parties from the opposition that lead the current opinion polls with estimated support of around 20 and 16 percent respectively. In short, as of today, the chances of victory for the social democrats, who were in power before OĽaNO, are high. However, if HLAS-SD would want to form a coalition with SMER-SD, it would have to find two other coalition partners, which would again make the eventual formation and governance much more difficult. 

What kind of foreign policy under a new(old) government? 

Slovakia, after the outbreak of war in Ukraine, has been among the most vocal supporters of Kyiv. It has done so by providing military and humanitarian aid to Kyiv, and by hosting Ukrainian refugees at home. The President of Slovakia was also involved in the promotion of Ukraine’s bid for the EU among EU Member States. Bratislava also approved the presence of NATO soldiers in Slovakia, in a framework of enhanced forward presence. In short, since the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, Slovakia opted for altering its policy of avoiding antagonising Russia. Many fear that a victory for the Social Democrats may change this course.  

According to Eurobarometer, a public opinion poll conducted in the autumn of this year revealed that only every second Slovak supports the actions the European Union is undertaking in the framework of aid to Ukraine. It is the rather negative perception of Ukrainian support that will be fertile ground for Fico’s SMER-SD party, which has already expressed itself many times in a very critical manner towards both Matovič’s and the EU’s support for Ukraine. The Slovaks have traditionally, among EU Member States, had one of the friendliest attitudes towards both Russia and the Kremlin’s policy. For example, 37% of respondents see Russia as one of Slovakia most important strategic partners, and according to the latest edition of GLOBSEC Trends 2022 Slovaks are also one of the most vulnerable countries to conspiracy theories in the region, with 54% subscribing to them, according to the same study. This anti-EU, Russia-friendly stance, in the event of a victory for the Social Democrats, could mean regional convergence with the EU-conflicting foreign policy line followed by the Hungarian party FIDESZ, which has long been in dispute with the EU regarding its position on the war in Ukraine.  

Even though there may be some changes in priorities and approaches, in general we should not expect major changes in Slovakia’s foreign and EU policy. Most likely, to avoid contradictions among Slovakia’s political forces, Bratislava will continue with its tradition of signing a joint statement on foreign policy at the beginning of new term between the president, the prime minister and the speaker of parliament, emphasising that the EU and NATO membership is the best path for a successful and prosperous country. In short, despite political turmoil and a threat of pro-Russian politicians coming to power next year, it is very likely that Slovakia will continue to be a constructive, predictable and reliable partner both in the European Union and on the global stage. 

Authors:
Kinga Brudzińska
Daniel Martínek 

Danubius Awards 2022

Danubius Award 2022 to the Bulgarian scientist Prof. Dr. Diana Mishkova, Danubius Mid-Career Award to Ukrainian scientist Assoc. Prof. Dr. Tamara Martsenyuk and Danubius Young Scientist Awards to 13 promising researchers from the Danube region. 

The “Danubius Award” 2022 goes to Bulgarian Prof. Dr. Diana Mishkova, History Professor and Director of the Centre for Advanced Study (CAS) in Sofia, Bulgaria. With her work focusing on modern and contemporary history of Eastern Europe, the modernization of South-Eastern Europe, European societies, and European peripheries as well as national identities, she has contributed profoundly to research on the Balkans. She is o the funding director of CAS Sofia, that is supported by numerous international sponsors, such as the Wissenschaftkolleg Berlin (Institute for Advanced Study Berlin). Prof. Dr. Mishkova has already received several awards for her scientific work and is involved in different international projects – currently in the Horizon 2020 project „PREVEX – Preventing Violent Extremism in the Balkans“.

Ukrainian scientist Assoc. Prof. Dr. Tamara Martsenyuk has been awarded the “Danubius Mid-Career Award” 2022. She is an Associate Professor at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy. In her studies, she focuses on gender research, social inequality issues, gender policies, social movements, and empowerment. In addition to numerous stays abroad and the participation in international research projects, she also brings her expertise to national policy forums and NGOs. Her research is currently focusing on the topic “Women’s involvement in Russia’s War against Ukraine”. 

 
In addition, 13 young scientists from the Danube Region will be awarded with the Danubius Young Scientist Award 2022 for their scientific work.

By presenting these Awards, the Austrian Ministry for Education, Science and Research (BMBWF) is contributing to the implementation of the EU Strategy for the Danube Region (EUSDR) adopted by the European Council in 2011. Through the awarding of outstanding scientific achievements, the Danube region is made visible as a research area and the perception of its multidisciplinary challenges and potentials is strengthened.

„The Danube Region provides many opportunities for cross-border and regional cooperation among universities as well as research organizations. And there are, indeed, plenty of common challenges along the Danube and beyond which we need to jointly address and develop solutions for Federal Minister for Education, Science and Research Prof. Martin Polaschek pointed out on the occasion of the award ceremony on 10 November 2022 at the University of Maribor.

“The role of scientists and researchers has changed profoundly in the last decade. On the one hand, scientists and researchers are in a high demand to deliver fast results and provide evidence for critical policy decisions, and they have become indispensable in explaining and communicating the current knowledge available. On the other hand, we see a worrying rise in skepticism towards science and research as well as towards democracy in general, which creates a wide range of problems for and in our societies. We need to work together to counter this skepticism, and I am confident that all of you present and especially the awardees of today can and will contribute with their work towards demonstrating and communicating the relevance of science and research„, Polaschek continued.

The award ceremony in Maribor took place in the presence of Barbara Weitgruber, Head of the Department from the BMBWF, and Friedrich Faulhammer, Chairman of the Institute for the Danube Region and Central Europe (IDM).

In her introduction, Barbara Weitgruber highlighted the solidarity with Ukraine as partner country of the EUSDR: “We will continue our support to the Ukrainian researchers, who have come or aim of coming in the EU, as well as to those remained in Ukraine. In addition to that, we hope for an early beginning of the reconstructions, and we are getting ready for appropriate support measures”. 

Friedrich Faulhammer added: “I am really pleased that once again we are working together with the Ministry for Education, Science and Research to honor scientists, who are significantly contributing to the development of knowledge and understanding within the Danube region in their various fields of research. This year, I am particularly pleased that we can also highlight the scientific work of Ukrainian female researchers, as they are currently forced to work under the conditions caused by the unjustified Russian attack on their country”.

The “Danubius Award” was established in 2011 to honor researchers who have outstandingly dealt with the Danube Region in their academic or artistic work. The prize is granted every year on a rotating basis for achievements in the humanities, cultural and social sciences (2022) or in life sciences and is endowed with € 5,000.

The “Danubius Mid-Career Award“ is endowed with € 2,200 and has been awarded since 2017 to researchers who are from 5 to a maximum of 15 years after their last formal scientific degree or have equivalent scientific experience. The prize winners were selected by an independent jury of experts chaired by Univ. Prof. Dr. Stefan M. Newerkla (University of Vienna).

Since 2014, special young talent awards, the „Danubius Young Scientist Awards“ have also been awarded. The prize, which is open to all disciplines, highlights the scientific work and talent of young researchers and increases the visibility of the excellence of the research community in the Danube Region. In this way, the prizes also contribute to the fact that young scientists deal with the river and the region in a variety of ways. The young talent prizes are endowed with € 1.350, per award winner. The selection was made by an international jury of experts, whereby the candidates for the award were nominated by their respective scientific institutions. 

Austria  Daniela Apaydin  
Bosnia and Herzegovina  Marko Djukanović  
Croatia  Jelena Kranjec Orlović  
Czech Republic  Adela Grimes  
Germany  Jan Schmitt  
Hungary  Blanka Bartos  
Moldova  Nicolae Arnaut  
Montenegro  Miloš Brajović  
Romania  Mihaela Cudalbeanu 
Serbia  Zorana Miletić  
Slovakia  Tibor Zsigmond  
Slovenia  Žane Temova Rakuša  
Ukraine  Illia Diahovchenko  

Watch the Award ceremony below

Demokratiewerkstätten

[Deutsche Version siehe unten]

About the project

The IDM is setting up new Democracy Workshops in cooperation with the Austrian Parliament and supported by ERSTE Foundation.

The Democracy Workshops in the Austrian Parliament offer workshops for children and young people. They were developed in 2007 by the Austrian parliamentary administration and quickly became a very successful political education project. Young students aged 8-15 deal with different topics under motivating guidance in six workshops: Parliament: The way of a law; Media: How do I get information?; Politicians: Who will represent me?; Participation: My opinion counts; Time Travel: Explore the Republic; Europe: Getting to know the European Union; To this date, around 120,000 children and young people have completed the democracy workshop in Vienna.

With the support of ERSTE Foundation, other parliamentary administrations were able to set up their own democracy workshop, each of which was coordinated with the Austrian Democracy Workshop in terms of format, didactics and standards. The Democracy Workshops in Montenegro (since 2014) and Kosovo (since 2018) have become an integral part of democracy education in their countries, with large numbers of participants. During the visit of National Council President Sobotka to Albania and North Macedonia in spring 2020, the parliaments in Tirana and Skopje reaffirmed their desire to set up their own democracy workshops in cooperation with Vienna. Cooperation in setting up a Democracy Workshops in Bratislava was also discussed during the visit of the Secretary General of the Chancellery of the National Council of the Slovak Republic, Daniel Guspan, to Vienna in autumn 2020.

For the implementation of these plans, the IDM serves as implementing partner. In the course of implementation, the IDM will also intensify the further networking of the existing and new Democracy Workshops in order to continue to support the professional exchange and the high didactic level of the trainers from all countries in coordination with the Austrian Parliament.

 

Project coordinator: 

Robin Gosejohann

 

Call for Expression of Interest for Non-Governmental Organizations to implement the Democracy Workshop Project in the Albanian Assembly

 

The Austrian Institute for the Danube Region and Central Europe (IDM) supported by ERSTE Foundation invites all interested non-governmental organisations (NGO) in Albania to apply for the implementation of the Democracy Workshops in the Albanian Assembly.

IDM supported by ERSTE Foundation together with the Albanian Assembly as the beneficiary, seeks to implement the Democracy Workshops in Albania with the goal of establishing them as one of the core civic education programmes of the Albanian Assembly.

The Democracy Workshop programme was originally established by the Austrian Parliament in 2007to familiarize young people with the basics of democracy, parliamentary life and media competence in all its aspects. Based on the Austrian model, the programme will be implemented in Albania. It is designed as four-hour workshops through which primary and secondary school children, with the help of selected expert trainers, can learn how parliamentary democracy works through interactive activities and the creation of a media feature.

The goal of the Democracy Workshop programme is to promote an interest in democratic and political processes as well as to contribute to a better understanding of the principles of democracy and to gain knowledge about the role of the parliament in the democratic structure of a state, the parliamentary processes, and the daily work of MPs. The workshops also strive to illustrate additional key elements for political participation: the willingness, the ability, and the courage to express an opinion and media literacy.

The selected NGO will recruit trainers who will receive the necessary trainings to deliver the workshops. The technical equipment required to conduct the workshops will be provided. In addition, the Administration of the Albanian Assembly will provide administrative support and expertise in conducting the workshops. During the initial implementation phase the project will be realized by the Institute for the Danube Region and Central Europe. This initial implementation phase will be completed by the end of May 2023. Following the completion of this phase, the Administration of the Albanian Assembly intends to continue the programme.

 

Eligible organisations must meet all the following criteria:

· registered according to Albanian law and in full compliance with all Albanian legal requirements;

· proven experience in recruitment and team management;

· proven experience in project management;

· have team members proficient in the English language for work on a day to day basis;

· previous experience in civic education and/or work with school children will be an asset;

· previous experience with projects in the field of democratisation, governance and human rights will be an asset.

 

Eligible organisations must submit the following documentation:

· letter of interest;

· CV of the person(s) representing the NGO and the working group in charge of implementing the project;

· CV of the NGO and a short description of working field of respective NGO;

· written report on a good practice (up to two pages);

· copy of the NGO registration (“Ekstrakti më i fundit nga Gjykata e Rrethit Gjyqësor Tiranë”);

· certification from the tax authorities that the NGO has no debts with Albanian fiscal authorities (Vërtetim nga organi tatimor që organizata nuk ka detyrime të pashlyera për sa i përket kontributeve për sigurimet shoqërore, sigurimet shëndetësore dhe tatimet);

· certification from the tax authorities that the NGO is active (Vërtetim nga organi tatimor mbi statusin aktiv të organizatës dhe kopje e dokumentit të regjistrimit në organin tatimor, NIPT);

· copy of the most recent approved statute (Kopje e statutit të organizatës që aplikon; varianti më i fundit);

· yearly budget of the organization and official financial disclosures of the last two years (Buxheti vjetor i organizatës, pasqyrat financiare të dy viteve të fundit me firmën dhe vulën e organizatës sipas formatit të deklaruar në organet tatimore);

· copy of any other documentation (e.g., performance report, certificates, awards, publications) that addresses the qualification requirements as listed above.

 

NGOs may send their application documents as PDF-files, in English, via e-mail to the Institute for the Danube Region and Central Europe, Robin Gosejohann, r.gosejohann@idm.at by 30 September, 2022 (COB).

 

A certified translation of official documents is not necessary. Please note: any costs incurred for the application will not be covered.

The applications will be reviewed by a screening committee against the listed requirements. Organisations meeting these requirements will be contacted and notified of further steps.

Call for Expression of Interest (as a PDF-document)

 

Further information:

 

Relevant publications:

IDM Policy Paper Series 1/2021

Home schooling, hybrid-learning and class room teaching: is Covid-19 changing things for good?

Robin Gosejohann

Following the COVID-19 outbreak one year ago, all countries and their education systems in the Danube Region began adopting to the new reality. Hopes were high in spring 2020 that things would look rosier after the long summer break, badly awaited by stressed-out students, teachers and parents alike. In retrospect not surprisingly, things took longer than anticipated. And whilst an end to the pandemic might be far ahead, it is anywhere but near, and education in these circumstances remains under stress.

 

 

Über das Projekt

Das IDM errichtet in Zusammenarbeit mit dem österreichischen Parlament und unterstützt von der ERSTE Stiftung neue Demokratiewerkstätten.

Die Demokratiewerkstatt im österreichischen Parlament bietet Workshops für Kinder und Jugendliche an. Sie wurde 2007 von der österreichischen Parlamentsverwaltung entwickelt und schnell zu einem sehr erfolgreichen politischen Bildungsprojekt. Junge Schülerinnen und Schüler im Alter von 8-15 Jahren setzen sich unter motivierender Anleitung in sechs unterschiedlichen Werkstätten mit wesentlichen Themen auseinander: Parlament: Der Weg eines Gesetzes; Medien: Wie informiere ich mich?; PolitikerInnen: Wer vertritt mich?; Partizipation: Meine Meinung zählt; Zeitreise: Die Republik erforschen; Europa: Die Europäische Union kennenlernen; Bis dato haben schon rund 120.000 Kinder und Jugendliche die Demokratiewerkstatt in Wien absolviert.

Mit Unterstützung der ERSTE Stiftung konnten weitere Parlamentsverwaltungen eine eigene Demokratiewerkstatt aufbauen, jeweils in Format, Didaktik und Anspruch eng abgestimmt mit der österreichischen Demokratiewerkstatt. Die Demokratiewerkstätten in Montenegro (seit 2014) und Kosovo (seit 2018) sind feste Bestandteile der Demokratievermittlung in ihren Ländern geworden, mit hohen Teilnehmerzahlen. Beim Besuch von Nationalratspräsident Sobotka in Albanien und Nordmazedonien im Frühjahr 2020 bekräftigten die Parlamente in Tirana und Skopje ihren Wunsch, in Kooperation mit Wien eigene Demokratiewerkstätten zu errichten. Auch beim Wien-Besuch des Generalsekretärs der Kanzlei des Nationalrates der Slowakischen Republik Daniel Guspan im Herbst 2020 wurde eine Zusammenarbeit beim Aufbau einer Demokratiewerkstatt in Bratislava besprochen.

Für die Umsetzung dieser Pläne rings um weitere Demokratiewerkstätten zeichnet das IDM im Einvernehmen mit der österreichischen Parlamentsverwaltung und gefördert von der ERSTE Stiftung verantwortlich. Das IDM wird im Zuge der Implementierung auch die weitere Vernetzung der bestehenden und neuen Demokratiewerkstätten intensivieren, um in Abstimmung mit dem österreichischen Parlament den fachlichen Austausch und das hohe didaktische Niveau der Trainerinnen und Trainer aller Länder weiter zu begleiten.

IDM Policy Paper Series 1/2021

Home schooling, hybrid-learning and class room teaching: is Covid-19 changing things for good?

von Robin Gosejohann

„Die COVID-19 Pandemie hat Schulen letztes Jahr auch in der Donauregion abrupt vor Herkulesaufgaben gestellt. Bildung im Regelbetrieb musste neu und oft anders organisiert werden. Glaubte man zunächst an eine Rückkehr zu business-as-usual müssen sich nun alle – Lehrpersonal, Schülerinnen und Schüler, und auch Eltern – auf bleibende Änderungen einstellen. Das Diskussionspapier greift den hohen gesellschaftlichen Druck auf, unter dem Lehrerinnen und Lehrer arbeiten müssen – und sucht dabei nach begrüßenswerten Entwicklungen, die in diesem Ausnahmezustand (neuen) Schwung bekommen haben. Recht schnell wurden z.B. IT-Fähigkeiten und die entsprechenden Ausstattungen als selbstverständlich angesehen – was die oft erstaunlich analoge Umsetzung in der Schulpraxis umso nüchterner wirken lässt. Die aktuelle öffentliche Aufmerksamkeit für Schulen und ihre Nöte, so das PPS, muss jedenfalls genutzt werden, um bleibende Verbesserungen im Bildungssystem zu sichern.“

Lesen Sie das Policy Paper hier.

Weiterführende Informationen finden Sie hier:

Information zur Demokratiewerkstatt des österreichischen Parlaments

Demokratiewebstatt

Demokratiewerkstatt virtuell

  • Projektkoordination: Mag. Robin Gosejohann, MA