Die ungarisch-rumänische Grenze im Schengen-Raum 2025 – Dokumentations- und Bildungsprojekt in Sathmar/Satu Mare
Am 3. Dezember 2025 nahm Sophia Beiter als Speakerin an der Veranstaltung „Die ungarisch-rumänische Grenze im Schengen-Raum 2025 – Dokumentations- und Bildungsprojekt in Sathmar/Satu Mare“ im Collegium Hungaricum in Wien teil.
Im Mittelpunkt der Veranstaltung stand die Präsentation eines Dokumentations- und Bildungsprojekts zur historischen und aktuellen Entwicklung der ungarisch-rumänischen Grenzregion. Nach einer Einführung durch Dawid Smolorz (Regionalforscher, Gleiwitz/Gliwice) stellten Jugendliche der Organisation „Gemeinsam“ die Ergebnisse ihrer Zeitzeug*innen-Interviews vor.
In der anschließenden Podiumsdiskussion „Schengen – europäische Perspektiven für die ungarisch-rumänische Grenze“ diskutierten Dawid Smolorz, Márton Mehes (Direktor, Collegium Hungaricum Wien), Gabi Rist (Jugendorganisation „Gemeinsam“, Sathmar/Satu Mare), Swantje Volkmann (Kulturreferentin für den Donauraum) und Sophia Beiter unter anderem über den langen Weg Rumäniens in den Schengenraum. Die Diskussion wurde von Ariane Afsari (Deutsches Kulturforum östliches Europa, Potsdam) moderiert.
Péter Techet for STVR Pátria Rádió on Orbán’s Visit to Moscow
In the Hungarian-language program of Slovak Radio (STVR), Péter Techet discussed the possible reasons for Orbán’s visit to Moscow and its domestic political implications.
The interview can be listened to here: https://patria24.stvr.sk/2025/12/01/mit-keres-orban-viktor-putyin-asztalanal/
Workshop about ‘Undoing the Illiberal Damage: A Democratic Guide to Reversing Democratic Backsliding’ at the IDM with experts from Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, and Austria
Hungary since 2010, Poland between 2015 and 2023, and Slovakia since 2023 have experienced, or are experiencing, democratic backsliding. A project at the Institute for Danube Region and Central Europe, funded by the Felczak Institute for Polish-Hungarian Studies, examines, through the examples of Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia, what an illiberal system means for the rule of law, the media, culture and academia, and corruption – and how liberal democracy in these areas can be strengthened following a change of government.
Malwina Talik and Dr Péter Techet authored a policy paper on the central questions of the project and the possible pathways in Poland and Hungary, which provided the foundation for a subsequent workshop on the subject.
Topics and outcomes of the workshop
As part of this project, an international workshop was held at the IDM on 18–19 November, bringing together experts from Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, and Austria. The workshop comprised four panels, focusing on the rule of law, the media, identity politics, and corruption. The emphasis was not on a purely academic analysis, but on sharing practical experiences and exploring options and strategies to reverse illiberal trends.
Firstly, experts from each country outlined how illiberal systems were established as well as how illiberal damage – particularly in Poland after 2023 – might be undone. This was followed by discussions on the causes of illiberalism and potential routes back to liberal democracy. Across all panels, a key focus was what Poland has achieved since 2023 in dismantling illiberal structures and policies, and whether these experiences could be applied to Hungary after 2026 or Slovakia after 2027, should there be a change of government. The presentations and discussions revealed how far illiberalism has advanced in each country, depending on whether governments were able to amend the constitution, and on the priorities they pursued.
A common thread across all three cases is that illiberalism emerges in polarised societies, where populist rhetoric and antagonistic ‘us’ versus ‘them’ narratives weaken social consensus around liberal democracy, turning domestic politics into a struggle between liberal and illiberal visions of democracy, each using constitutional mechanisms to different ends. Another shared feature in all illiberal democracies is the weakening of constitutional oversight, civil society, and pluralism, including attacks on dissenting voices and on both public and private media. In terms of corruption, however, there are notable differences: in Poland, corruption is largely individual; in Slovakia, it is tolerated and facilitated by state actors; and in Hungary, it has evolved into a centralised, state-run ‘mafia’ structure.
The restoration of liberal democracy in all three countries depends on the ability to reform the constitution and legal framework, which is a particularly difficult task in Hungary, where the illiberal regime has maintained a constitution-amending (two-third) majority almost continuously since 2010. More broadly, a sustainable return to liberal democracy requires social consensus, potentially achieved through compromise between political ‘camps’.
Building on the workshop’s insights and further research, Malwina Talik and Dr Péter Techet are preparing a report, by the end of the year, on the successes and strategies for undoing illiberal damage.
(Dr Péter Techet)
Péter Techet at the Political Café of VHS Alsergrund on Hungary
As part of the “Political Café” series at VHS Alsergrund, Péter Techet participated in a panel discussion on the current situation in Hungary. Together with writer Lukas Pellmann and historian Gergely Romsics, Techet discussed the challenges of replacing an illiberal system according to its own rules. In the lively discussion that followed with the audience, the participants answered questions both about the historical roots of Hungarian illiberalism and the prospects of the Tisza Party.
Péter Techet in conversation in Vienna with Orbán biographer Stefano Bottoni
Photos: Péter Techet
The Italian-Hungarian historian Stefano Bottoni published a biography of the Hungarian Prime Minister, Viktor Orbán, in 2019. First released in Italian, the book was translated also into Hungarian and Romanian, and a German edition has been published this year.
The Hungarian weekly Magyar Hang hosted a discussion in Vienna between Bottoni and Péter Techet, focusing both on the book and on the prospects of replacing Orbán in the forthcoming elections in April 2026. The conversation, held in Hungarian, took place on 14 November 2025 at Café Wilheim in Vienna.
Péter Techet for Denník N on a new alliance between Prague, Bratislava, and Budapest
The Slovak daily newspaper Denník N asked Péter Techet about the possibility and the reasons for an anti-Ukrainian alliance between Prague, Bratislava, and Budapest.
The article can be read here: https://dennikn.sk/4939485/orban-chce-s-ficom-a-babisom-vytvorit-blok-proti-ukrajine-nebude-to-fungovat-hovori-dzurinda-aj-duleba
Péter Techet’s foreword to Joschka Fischer’s book in Hungarian
The most recent book by former German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer (Die Kriege der Gegenwart und der Beginn einer neuen Weltordnung) was published in March 2025. The publisher of the Hungarian weekly magazine HVG had the book translated into Hungarian (A jelen háborúi. Egy új világrend születése), which was released in October 2025. Péter Techet wrote the foreword to the Hungarian edition.
Building Democratic Resilience in Central Europe / M. Talik at the DILA/CEU in Budapest
As part of her fellowship, Malwina Talik participated in the second four-day residential session of the Democratic Institute Leadership Academy (DILA) at Central European University in Budapest. In addition to reflections on leadership, the programme focused on theoretical and practical strategies for building democratic resilience, as well as on challenges and responses within the communication sphere in Central Europe, particularly in Hungary, Slovakia, Czechia, Croatia, and Poland.
DILA is a 12-week fellowship consisting of a training programme for mid-career local and national leaders, civil society activists, political party representatives, and policy experts. It addresses the pressing challenges facing European democracies and aims to redefine the future of leadership in Central and Eastern Europe. Guided by a distinguished international faculty of scholars and seasoned practitioners, the curriculum combines exploration of democratic governance with practical training, equipping fellows with a broad set of strategic and leadership skills.
IDM Short Insights 51: Pro Orbán vs Pro Magyar Demonstrations in Budapest
Viktor Orbán and Péter Magyar, two of Hungary’s greatest political opponents, led marches on one of the country’s most symbolic days. Our colleague Malwina Talik attended both events in Budapest, where Peter Techet explained what role the 23rd October plays in Hungary’s collective memory and what each rival conveyed in their speeches. Watch the latest IDM Short Insights to find out!
Transcript:
1. What was happening in Budapest on 23 October 2025?
“Today, on the 23 October, Budapest is witnessing two large rival demonstrations. The first demonstration is led by the Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and Fidesz Party, and the second one by his largest challenger, Péter Magyar from Tisza.”
2. What does 23 October stands for in Hungarian collective memory?
“On 23 October, Hungary marks the anniversary of the 1956 anti-Soviet revolution, when students and workers rose up against the Stalinist regime. Since the 1990 regime change, its memory has served political purposes — and this year is no different. The opposition invokes the slogan “Russians, go home” to criticize Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s pro-Russian stance, while his party claims that, just like Moscow once did, today Brussels and the “globalists” threaten Hungary’s freedom.”
3. “March for Peace” of Viktor Orbán
“I have just left the first demonstration which was organized by Fidesz and Viktor Orbán. It has undoubtedly gathered a lot of people, however I could have seen most of those from older generations. As every fourth Hungarian is still hesitant about who they will vote for in the April elections, those both rallies are competing for the attention of the undecided as well as for the mobilization of their electoral bases.”
4. How was Orbán’s speech?
““Whoever is Hungarian goes with us,” read the large slogan behind Viktor Orbán as he delivered his speech. The message is clear — and hardly new in Orbán’s rhetoric: only those who vote for him truly belong to the Hungarian nation. As he said more than twenty years ago, after losing the 2002 elections: “The homeland cannot be in the opposition.” This year’s speech came from a politician who, for the first time since 2010, may fear a return to opposition.”
5. Rally of Péter Magyar
“The second rally organized by Péter Magyar and Tisza is just about to start. Magyar himself was for a very long time a member of the Fidesz party but left it in February 2024. Orbán and Fidesz line media labeled this march as a pro-war march and accused Magyar of being Brussels puppet or an Ukrainian agent.”
6. What did Magyar emphasize in his speech ?
“In his speech, Peter Magyar called for overcoming the divisions within society and for Hungarians to reclaim their freedom together. According to independent estimates, more people joined Magyar’s demonstration than Prime Minister Orbán’s. However, the decisive moment will come next April, when the country heads to the polls.”
Péter Techet for the Salzburger Nachrichten on the election campaign of Orbán and Magyar
On October 23, two demonstrations took place in Budapest: both the ruling party and the largest opposition party called their supporters to the streets. The Austrian daily newspaper Salzburger Nachrichten spoke with Péter Techet about Péter Magyar’s chances of winning the elections and about Viktor Orbán’s willingness to accept a possible defeat. It is also possible, Techet said, that the elections may ultimately be decided in the streets if the respective losers refuse to accept the result.
The article can be read here: https://www.sn.at/politik/weltpolitik/magyar-koenig-orbans-ende-186446413
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